Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-dlnhk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T21:03:07.150Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Imperialism, Buddhism and Islam in Siam: Exploring the Buddhist secular in the Nangsue Sadaeng Kitchanukit, 1867

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 April 2021

Ruth Streicher
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This article argues for understanding the reform of the Buddhist tradition in nineteenth-century Siam as a shift towards a secular conceptual grammar, and positions this shift within the dual imperial context of Siam. The binary conceptual structure that can be traced in the Nangsue Sadaeng Kitchanukit (Elaboration on major and minor matters, 1867) also included an opposition between Buddhism and Islam, documenting not only the epistemic marks of the Christian missionary encounter, but also the inner-political imperial context of Siam's hegemony over the Islamic sultanate of Patani.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 52 , Issue 1 , March 2021 , pp. 7 - 25
Check for updates
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore, 2021

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

This article is a revised version of papers presented at different occasions, including at the Theravada Civilisations Workshop and the Association for Asian Studies Conference in Seattle, 2016, as well as a book manuscript workshop in Heidelberg, 2019. The article has substantially benefited from audiences and participants at these workshops and conferences. I want to thank, in particular, Bénédicte Brac de la Perrière, Alicia Turner, Michael Edwards, Anthony Irwin, Ananda Abeysekara, Michael Radich, and Hans Martin Krämer, and the anonymous reviewers for this journal. Material for this article is drawn from my ongoing postdoctoral research project, ‘The shared history of Buddhism and Islam in nineteenth-century Siam’, generously funded by the Fritz Thyssen Foundation. All translations from Thai are mine, unless indicated otherwise. The romanisation of Thai follows the Royal Institute Guidelines using the romanisation tool written by Wirote Aroonmanakun at the Department of Linguistics, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok.

References

1 Hallisey, Charles, ‘Roads taken and not taken in the study of Theravada Buddhism’, in Curators of the Buddha: The study of Buddhism under colonialism, ed. Lopez, Donald S. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), p. 48Google Scholar. For a critical discussion of this reading, see Ananda Abeysekara, ‘Protestant Buddhism and “influence”: The temporality of a concept’, Qui Parle 28, 1 (2019): 1–75.

2 For an early critique of this view, see Benedict Anderson, ‘Studies of the Thai state: The state of Thai studies’, in The study of Thailand: Analyses of knowledge, approaches, and prospects in anthropology, art history, economics, history, and political science, ed. Eliezer B. Ayal (Athens: Center for International Studies, Southeast Asia Program, Ohio University, 1978), pp. 193–234.

3 Loos, Tamara, Subject Siam: Family, law and colonial modernity in Thailand (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002), p. 2Google Scholar.

4 See especially Harrison, Rachel V. and Jackson, Peter A., eds., The ambiguous allure of the West: Traces of the colonial in Thailand (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

5 Streicher, Ruth, Uneasy military encounters: The imperial politics of counterinsurgency in southern Thailand (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 For example, Stanley J. Tambiah, World conqueror and world renouncer: A study of Buddhism and polity in Thailand against a historical background (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976); Peter Jackson, Buddhism, legitimation, and conflict: The political functions of urban Thai Buddhism (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1989); Craig Reynolds, ‘The Buddhist monkhood in nineteenth-century Thailand’ (PhD diss., Cornell University, 1972).

7 Talal Asad, Formations of the secular: Christianity, Islam, modernity (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003), pp. 16, 23.

8 Asad, Formations of the secular, p. 13.

9 Saba Mahmood, Religious difference in a secular age: A minority report (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015); David Scott, ‘Religion in colonial civil society’, in Refashioning futures: Criticism after postcoloniality (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), pp. 53–70.

10 Ruth Mas, ‘The red thread of Christianity’, ReOrient 1, 1 (2015): 57.

11 Chaophraya Thipakorawong, Sadaeng Kitchanukit (in Thai) (Bangkok: Sueksaphanit [1872]1971).

12 Craig Reynolds, ‘Buddhist cosmography in Thai history, with special reference to nineteenth-century culture change’, Journal of Asian Studies 35, 2 (1976): 203–20; Sven Trakulhun, ‘Chaophraya Thiphakorawong: A book on various things (Thailand, 1867)’, in Religious dynamics under the impact of imperialism and colonialism: A sourcebook, ed. Björn Bentlage, Marion Eggert, Hans Martin Krämer and Stefan Reichmuth (Leiden: Brill, 2016), pp. 63–76; Thongchai Winichakul, ‘Buddhist apologetics and a genealogy of comparative religion in Siam’, Numen 62, 1 (2015): 76–99.

13 Scott uses this notion to describe ‘an ensemble of questions and answers around which a horizon of identifiable stakes (conceptual as well as ideological-political stakes) hangs. That is to say, what defines this discursive context are not only the particular problems that get posed as problems as such (the problem of “race”, say) but the particular questions that seem worth asking and the kinds of answers that seem worth having.’ David Scott, Conscripts of modernity: The tragedy of colonial Enlightenment (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004), p. 4.

14 Thongchai Winichakul, Siam mapped: A history of the geo-body of a nation (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1994).

15 Patrick Jory, ‘Thai and Western Buddhist scholarship in the age of colonialism: King Chulalongkorn redefines the jatakas’, Journal of Asian Studies 61, 3 (2002): 891–918.

16 Loos, Subject Siam.

17 Until 1870 Siam concluded similar treaties with 14 additional countries, including the United States, France, Denmark, Prussia, Sweden and Norway, Belgium, Italy, Austria-Hungary and Spain. Note that critical Thai scholars applied the term ‘unequal treaty’ retrospectively in order to call attention to the similarities with earlier treaties concluded by imperial powers with China and Japan. Gerrit W. Gong, The standard of ‘civilization’ in international society (Oxford: Clarendon, 1984), pp. 212–14.

18 See Loos, Subject Siam, p. 41, n.38; Barend Jan Terwiel, ‘The Bowring Treaty: Imperialism and the indigenous perspective’, Journal of the Siam Society 79, 2 (1991): 40–47; Shane Strate, The lost territories: Thailand's history of national humiliation (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2015), p. 28.

19 M.B. Hooker, ‘The “Europeanization” of Siam's law 1855–1908’, in Laws of Southeast Asia. Volume II: European laws in South-East Asia, ed. M.B. Hooker (Singapore: Butterworth, 1988), p. 532.

20 Hong Lysa, ‘“Stranger within the gates”: Knowing semi-colonial Siam as extraterritorials’, Modern Asian Studies 38, 2 (2004): 327–54.

21 Antony Anghie, Imperialism, sovereignty and the making of international law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 100–07.

22 Cited in Nicholas Tarling, ‘Harry Parkes’ negotiations in Bangkok in 1856’, Journal of the Siam Society 53, 2 (1965): 161.

23 Asad, Formations of the secular, p. 163; Martine van Ittersum, Profit and principle: Hugo Grotius, natural rights theories and the rise of Dutch power in the East Indies, 1595–1615 (Leiden: Brill, 2006); Ana Kolarov, ‘Grotius als Vater des christlichen Völkerrechts?’, Forum Historiae Iuris 13 (2009): 1–40.

24 For example, John Bowring, A memorial volume of sacred poetry (London: Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer, 1873).

25 Philip Bowring, Free trade's first missionary: Sir John Bowring in Europe and Asia (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2014), p. 19.

26 John Bowring, The kingdom and people of Siam: With a narrative of the mission to that country in 1855 (London: J.W. Parker, 1857), pp. 276–7.

27 Tomoko Masuzawa, The invention of world religions; Or, how European universalism was preserved in the language of pluralism (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2005), p. 129.

28 Interestingly, the British envoy John Crawfurd, who had unsuccessfully tried to open Siam to British trade in 1821, had similar opinions about the Buddhist tradition and its monkhood. In his journal of the embassy to Siam, he described the negative ‘influence which the Buddhist religion appears to have produced on the Government, manners, and character of the Siamese. […] there are no countries in Asia in which human life is held so cheap as in those in which the shedding of blood is considered sacrilege. This, as it appears to me, may in a great measure be ascribed to the institution of the Talapoins.’ John Crawfurd, Journal of an embassy from the governor-general of India to the courts of Siam and Cochin-China (London, 1830), pp. 87–8.

29 Bowring, The kingdom and people of Siam, pp. 258–9.

30 Manich, King Mongkut and Sir John Bowring, p. 109.

31 Treaty of Friendship and Commerce between Siam and Great Britain, signed at Bangkok, April 18, 1855; http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Bowring_Treaty (accessed 31 Oct. 2019).

32 The original clause in the contract reads: ‘Les missionnaires Français auront la faculté de prêcher et d'enseigner, de construire des églises, des séminaires ou écoles, des hôpitaux et autres édifices pieux, sur un point quelconque du Royaume de Siam, en se conformant aux lois du pays. […] Ils voyageront en toute liberté dans toute l’étendue du Royaume, pourvu qu'ils soient porteurs de lettres authentiques du Consul de France, ou, en son absence, de leur évêque, revêtues du visa du Gouverneur-Général, résidant à Bangkok, dans la juridiction duquel se trouveront les provinces où ils voudront se rendre’ (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, British and Foreign State Papers, XLVII [London: HMSO, 1856–57], p. 995). This clause has an important historical precedent in a treaty concluded between French and Siamese authorities in the 16th century to regulate missionary activity in addition to commercial relations. This treaty ‘gave formal permission and full liberty to the missionaries to instruct the Siamese in science, law, and other studies [as long as they were] not opposed to the interests of the Siamese Government and the laws of the kingdom.’ The treaty also already included extraterritoriality regulations that entitled the French missionaries and their converts to distinct tribunals ‘different from the ordinary courts of the land’. P.W. Thornely, The history of a transition (Bangkok: Siam Observer Press, 1923), pp. 22, 29.

33 John Ross Carter, ‘A history of early Buddhism’, Religious Studies 13, 3 (1977): 263–87.

34 Alicia Turner, Saving Buddhism: The impermanence of religion in colonial Burma (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2014), p. 1.

35 Yoneo Ishii, ‘A note on the semantic expansion of sasana in the royal epithet akkhasasanupathamphok’, in Buddhist legacies in mainland Southeast Asia: Mentalities, interpretations and practices, ed. Francois Lagirarde and Paritta Chalermpow Koanatakool (Paris: École Française d'Extrême Orient; Bangkok: Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Anthropology Centre, 2006), pp. 67–70.

36 There is a substantial literature that deals with the sasana, ideas about its gradual disappearance, and its centrality to Buddhist kingship. See Jan Nattier, Once upon a future time: Studies in a Buddhist prophecy of decline (Fremont, CA: Jain, 1991); Anne M. Blackburn, Buddhist learning and textual practice in eighteenth-century Lankan monastic culture (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), esp. pp. 80–84; Jason A. Carbine, ‘Shwegyin sāsana: Continuity, rupture, and traditionalism in a Buddhist tradition’, in Historicizing ‘tradition’ in the study of religion, ed. Stephen Engler and Gregory P. Grieve (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2005), pp. 145–74; Turner, Saving Buddhism.

37 On translation as a powerful process of producing hypothetical equivalents, see Lydia Liu, Translingual practice: Literature, national culture, and modernity (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), p. 16.

38 John Leyden, A comparative vocabulary of the Barma, Maláyu and Thái languages (Serampore: Mission Press, 1810), p. 126.

39 James Low, A grammar of the T'hai or Siamese language (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1828), p. 75.

40 Bangkok Recorder, 1, 4 Oct. 1844, p. 14.

41 Jean Baptiste Pallegoix, Dictionarium linguae Thaĭ sive Sa̱mensis interpretatione Latina, Gallica et Anglica illustratum (Paris, 1854), p. 724.

42 Winichakul, ‘Buddhist apologetics’, p. 82.

43 The original wording, according to Ishii, reads that the king ‘pen akkhasasanupathamphok phraphuttasasana charoen sisawatdi thang para boriyat lae patipatti sasana hai thawon rungruang pai pen thi lueam sai mamatsakan bucha kae thephayuda manut thang puang.’ Ishii, ‘A note on the semantic expansion of sasana’, p. 67.

44 Asad, Genealogies of religion, p. 41. See also Peter Harrison, ‘Religion’ and the religions in the English Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 67.

45 I am indebted to Anthony Irwin for pointing out this declaration to me. See Anthony Lovenheim Irwin, ‘“Imagining” boundaries: Simå space, lineage trails, and trans-regional Theravada orthodoxy’ (MA thesis, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2011). Another translation of the declaration can also be found in: M.R. Seni Pramoj, ‘King Mongkut as a legislator’, Journal of the Siam Society 38, 1 (1950): 44–6. Missionary publications mostly cite a later declaration issued by Chulalongkorn in 1878 as the first ‘Edict of Toleration’ that ‘guaranteed full liberty of conscience’, e.g. Willard Cooper, Historical sketch of the missions in Siam (Philadelphia: The Woman's Foreign Missionary Society of the Presbyterian Church, 1915), p. 30. This edict was proclaimed after Presbyterian missionaries of the northern Siamese mission in Laos had appealed to King Chulalongkorn to remit a traditional fee for marriages of Christian converts. According to a translation by the missionary Daniel McGilvary, Chulalongkorn's edict differs from Mongkut's earlier one in that it emphasises the liberal notion of religion as an individual choice: ‘That religious and civil duties do not come in conflict. That whoever wishes to embrace any religion after seeing that it is true and proper to be embraced, is allowed to do so without any restriction. That the responsibility for a right or a wrong choice rests on the individual making the choice. That there is nothing in the laws and customs of Siam, nor in its foreign treaties, to throw any restriction on the religious worship and service of any one.’ Daniel McGilvary, A half century among the Siamese and the Lao (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1912), p. 216.

46 In romanised Thai, the original is titled ‘prakat kan thue satsana lae phu thi thue phit’ and reads: ‘wa thamniam phu khrongphaendin thi pen yutitham midai ham ratsadon thangpuang /nai kan thue satsana pen thiphueng khong tua /nai wela thisut lae kan bueangna /song anuyat yom hai khon thue satsana tam atthayasai / duai wakan thue satsana lang sing ko tong kan / muean yang mai kha sat mai laksap /mai luangkoen nai kan methun sangwat tham chu phanya khong phu-uen / lae mai ceraca khamthet /lae mai sep sura lae ot khwamkrot /mi mettakaruna kae kan / lae suesat katanyukatawethi /lae hai pan singkhong chalia khwamsuk kae kan / lae thamkhwam di uen /sueng pen khunprayot kae kan ko mi ik lai yang /khon thuk chat thuk phasa thuk satsana ko hen phromkan wa /pen khwamdikhwamchop pen yutitham.’ See Proclamation No. 151, in ‘Collected proclamations of King Rama IV, vol. 4’; https://vajirayana.org/ประชุมประกาศรัชกาลที่-๔-ภาค-๔/๑๕๑-ประกาศการถือสาสนาแลผู้ที่ถือผิด (last accessed 30 Jan. 2021).

47 Scott, ‘Religion in colonial civil society’, p. 68.

48 Masuzawa, The invention of world religions, p. 1.

49 On the centrality of the public–private divide and the concept of ‘public order’ to a secular problem-space, see also Hussein Ali Agrama, Questioning secularism: Islam, sovereignty, and the rule of law in modern Egypt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012).

50 Yoneo Ishii, Sangha, state, and society: Thai Buddhism in history (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1986), pp. 45–6.

51 In romanised Thai: ‘phrabatsomdet phracaophaendin mi phra rat haruethai prasong ca thamnubamrung phraphutta satsana hai borisut/ mihai muamong pen monthin /lae hai rungrueang caroen pen prayot kae phraifa khaphaendin pen an mak.’ Proclamation No. 151, in ‘Collected Proclamations’.

52 Catholic missionaries had settled at Ayutthaya in the 16th century: first, two Roman Catholics, followed by Jesuits and Franciscans. In the 17th century, the Société des Missions-Étrangères de Paris started sending the first French missionaries. After a coup against King Narai in Siam in 1688, Catholics were persecuted and missionaries imprisoned, but they were not expelled, so the French missionaries who returned in the 19th century could build on an important base. The most prominent French Catholic missionary in 19th century Siam was Bishop Pallegoix, who arrived in Bangkok in 1830. See: Thornely, The history of a transition, p. 31; Thanet Aphornsuvan, ‘The West and Siam's quest for modernity: Siamese responses to nineteenth century American missionaries’, South East Asia Research 17, 3 (2009): 401–31; Michael Winship, ‘Early Thai printing: The beginning to 1851’, Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 3, 1 (1986): 45–61.

53 While the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions withdrew in 1850, three American Protestant organisations became active in Siam: the American Baptist Missionary Union, the American Presbyterian Mission, and the American Missionary Association, which was supported by the Congregationalists. See Walter F. Vella, Siam under Rama III. 1825–1851 (Locust Valley, NY: J.J. Augustin, 1957), pp. 35–6.

54 See Talal Asad, ‘Comments on conversion’, in Conversion to modernities: The globalization of Christianity, ed. Peter van der Veer (London: Routledge, 1996), pp. 263–73.

55 Cited in Vella, Siam under Rama III, p. 36.

56 To illustrate, in 1851, the missionaries were personally invited to attend the inauguration of King Mongkut.

57 Winship, ‘Early Thai printing’.

58 Loos, Subject Siam, p. 40.

59 Davisakd Puaksom, ‘Of germs, public hygiene, and the healthy body: The making of the medicalizing state in Thailand’, Journal of Asian Studies 66, 2 (2007): 311–44.

60 Bradley also documents these intentions in his diary, where he writes, for instance, how he published an article in the Bangkok Recorder to ‘expose the falsehood of Buddhism and the great excellency of the Christian religion as contrasted with it’. Cited in Moffat, Mongkut, the King of Siam, p. 157.

61 Thanapol Limapichart, ‘The emergence of the Siamese public sphere: Colonial modernity, print culture and the practice of criticism (1860s–1910s)’, South East Asia Research 17, 3 (2009): 374. After the signing of the Harris Treaty with the United States, American missionaries even served as assessors or judges on the boards of the extrajudicial courts. The US government often used missionaries such as the Presbyterian Stephen Mattoon to act as their formal diplomats in Siam. Eva M. Pascal and Paul W. Chambers, ‘Oblique intervention: The role of US missionaries in Siam's incorporation of Lanna 1867–1878’, Journal of World Christianity 2, 1 (2008): 36–8.

62 Somjai Phirotthirarach, ‘The historical writings of Chao Phraya Thipakorawong’ (PhD diss., Northern Illinois University, 1983), p. 63.

63 For a detailed account of Thipakorawong's life, see ibid., pp. 30–80.

64 Henry Alabaster, The modern Buddhist: Being the views of a Siamese minister of state on his own and other religions (London: Trübner, 1870). Sections of the Kitchanukit are also included in: Henry Alabaster, The wheel of the law: Buddhism, illustrated from Siamese sources by the modern Buddhist, a life of Buddha, and an account of the Phrabat (London: Trübner, 1871).

65 Cited in Reynolds, ‘Buddhist monkhood’, p. 95.

66 Webb Keane, Christian moderns: Freedom and fetish in the mission encounter (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), ‘Introduction’, pp. 1–36.

67 See the entry in the Encyclopedia Britannica, where ‘catechism’ is defined as ‘a manual of religious instruction usually arranged in the form of questions and answers used to instruct the young, to win converts, and to testify to the faith.’ https://www.britannica.com/topic/catechism (accessed 19 Nov. 2019).

68 William A. Smalley, ‘Early Protestant missionaries and the development of Thailand's hierarchy of multilingualism’, in Southeast Asian linguistics studies in honor of Vichin Panupong, ed. A.S. Abramson (Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Press, 1997).

69 McGilvary, A half century among the Siamese, p. 224.

70 Thipakorawong, Kitchanukit, pp. 1–2.

71 Ishii, Sangha, state, and society, pp. 24–6.

72 The first small mission schools in Bangkok were already founded in the late 1840s, and by the end of the 19th century, mission schools could be found all over the country. See Smalley, ‘Early Protestant missionaries’. A secular system of state education was initiated only in 1875, when Chulalongkorn issued a proclamation ‘extending the Royal Patronage to secular, Thai schools in the Royal Monasteries …, offering the monks free printed Government textbooks …, salaries to lay teachers and increased alms to monk teachers.’ David K. Wyatt, ‘Samuel McFarland and early educational modernization in Thailand, 1877–1895’, in Felicitation volumes of Southeast-Asian Studies presented to His Highness Prince Dhaninivat Kromamun Bidyalabh Bridhyakorn, ed. Siam Society (Bangkok: Siam Society, 1965), pp. 1–2.

73 Asad, Formations of the secular, pp. 42–3.

74 See, for instance: Steven Collins, Self and society: Essays on Pali literature and social theory 1988–2010 (Chiang Mai: Silkworm, 2013), pp. 190–91; Tambiah, World conqueror and world renouncer; Monica Lindberg Falk, Making fields of merit: Buddhist female ascetics and gendered orders in Thailand (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2007).

75 John Ross Carter, ‘Traditional definitions of the term “dhamma”’, Philosophy East and West 26, 3 (1976): 336, n.7.

76 John Ross Carter suggests distinguishing the ‘customary mode’ (lokiya) from a ‘transcendental mode’ (lokuttara) — the latter term, however, carries strong Christian connotations. John Ross Carter, ‘The notion of “refuge” (sarana) in the Theravada Buddhist tradition’, in Studies in Pali and Buddhism: A memorial volume in honor of Bhikkhu Jagdish Kashyap, ed. A.K. Narain (New Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corp., 1979).

77 John Clifford Holt, Buddha in the crown: Avalokitesvara in the Buddhist traditions of Sri Lanka (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 22–3.

78 Thipakorawong, Kitchanukit, p. 2.

79 Reynolds, ‘Buddhist cosmography in Thai history’.

80 Thipakorawong, Kitchanukit, p. 21.

81 Ibid., p. 22.

82 Masuzawa, The invention of world religions, p. 130; Sven Bretfeld and Helmut Zander, ‘Henry Steel Olcott: The Buddhist catechism (India, 1881/1908)’, in Bentlage et al., Religious dynamics under the impact of imperialism and colonialism, p. 475.

83 Adolf Bastian, Reisen in Siam im Jahre 1867 (Jena: Hermann Constenoble, 1867), p. 73.

84 Adolf Bastian, Der Buddhismus als religions-philosophisches System (Vortrag) (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1893), p. 6.

85 Thipakorawong, Kitchanukit, p. 99.

86 Ibid., p. 104.

87 Scott, ‘Religion in colonial civil society’, p. 68.

88 Masuzawa, The invention of world religions; Gil Anidjar, ‘Secularism’, Critical Inquiry 33, 1 (2006): 52–77.

89 Winichakul, ‘Buddhist apologetics’.

90 Somjai, ‘The historical writings of Chao Phraya Thipakorawong’, pp. 98–101. Somjai attributes this manuscript to Thipakorawong, but the attribution is uncertain. I have not been able to locate the manuscript in the Thai National Archives.

91 Thipakorawong uses the word khaek to refer more generally to Muslims, and equates the satsana khaek to ‘Islam’. Thipakorawong, Kitchanukit, p. 86. For the etymology of khaek, see A.V.N. Diller, ‘Islam and southern Thai ethnic reference’, in Politics of the Malay-speaking south: Vol. 1, historical and cultural studies, ed. Andrew D.W. Forbes (Gaya: Centre for South East Asian Studies, 1989), pp. 153–67. I discuss the genealogy of the term in Streicher, Uneasy military encounters, chap. 3.

92 Thipakorawong, Kitchanukit, p. 96.

93 Ibid., p. 51.

94 Ibid., p. 131.

95 Prince Damrong Rajanubhab, Phrachum Phongsawadan Pak Ti 28 Rüang Phongsawadan Yuan Lae Brawath Phranabhi Mahammad [Chronicle Collection Part 28 on the Chronicle of the Yuan and the history of the Prophet Muhammad] (Bangkok: n.p., 1922).

96 Masuzawa, The invention of world religions, p. 199.

97 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1978), pp. 63–8.

98 Thipakorawong, Kitchanukit, pp. 131–2.

99 Ibid., pp. 90, 92.

100 Ibid., pp. 109–11. See also translation in: Trakulhun, ‘Chaophraya Thiphakorawong’.

101 Cited in Moffat, Mongkut, the King of Siam, p. 161.

102 Prince Damrong Rajanubhab, ‘The nature of government in Siam since antiquity’, in History and politics: Reading book for a course on Thai civilization (in Thai) (Bangkok: n.p. 1975[1927]), p. 6.

103 Abeysekara, ‘Protestant Buddhism’, p. 11.

104 Loos, Subject Siam, p. 81.

105 Asad, Formations of the secular, p. 228.

106 Cited in Justin Thomas McDaniel, The lovelorn ghost and the magical monk: Practicing Buddhism in modern Thailand (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), p. 101.

107 Eugénie Mérieau, ‘Buddhist constitutionalism in Thailand: When rājadhammā supersedes the constitution’, Asian Journal of Comparative Law 13, 2 (2018): 283–305.

108 Ishii, Yoneo, ‘Thai Muslims and the royal patronage of religion’, Law & Society Review 28, 3 (1994): 453–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.