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The Hokkiens in early modern Hoi An, Batavia, and Manila: Political agendas and selective adaptations
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 April 2021
Abstract
This article focuses on how political agendas and existing societal circumstances in three Southeast Asian regions impacted the early history of immigrant Hokkiens, one of the most prominent Chinese ethnic groups. The article argues that different Hokkien actions and their outcomes were shaped or highly influenced by the prevailing agenda and political struggles of local rulers and/or colonial powers, resulting in selective adaptive behaviour as ‘challengers’ or ‘cooperators’. There were prominent immigrant Hokkien challengers to the status quo in Manila and elsewhere in the Philippine Islands, but both cooperators with the prevailing status quo and challengers to it were common in Hoi An, Vietnam. By contrast, cooperators were conspicuous in Batavia and in the colonial Dutch East Indies.
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- Research Article
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- Copyright © The National University of Singapore, 2021
Footnotes
This research is funded by the National Social Science Fund of China (20VJXG002).
I am grateful to all the people who have assisted me in writing this article over the past several years. During its long journey, Jonathan A. Chu, David Lundquist, Carolyn Smith, Steven B. Miles, Robert E. Hegel, Paul Buell, and Dayaneetha De Silva must have suffered in helping to revise my unspeakable writing; Han Jishi helped me to find the archival copies I needed. I also appreciate the feedback received at the following workshops: ‘Expanding (East) Asia: Movement, Territory, Exclusion’ (McGill, 2014), ‘Dissertation Writing Workshop’ (WUSTL, 2016), and ‘Road & Belt: Networking among Modern China, Inner and Southeast Asia’ (Columbia, 2016), from James Hevia, Daniel Murray, Luca Foti, Christine Johnson, Derek Hirst, Nancy Reynolds, Daniel Bornstein, Peter Kastor, Amanda Scott, Gilbert Chen, Joohee Suh, Eric Tagliacozzo, Gray Tuttle, Ling-wei Kung, and Wei-chieh Tsai. Last but not least, I am indebted to my two anonymous reviewers who also helped me to improve the present version.
References
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86 Qian Jiang, ‘1570–1760 nian Zhongguo he Lüsong maoyi de fazhan ji maoyi e de gusuan’, Zhongguo shehui jingji shi yanjiu (1986): 69–78.
87 Chen, ‘Beyond the land and sea’, pp. 157–73.
88 Geronimo de Salazar y Salcedo, ‘Three Chinese mandarins at Manila’ (Manila, 27 May 1603), TPI, vol. 12, 1601–04, pp. 83–97. Miguel de Benavides, ‘Letters (from Benavides) to Felipe III’ (5 & 6 July 1603), TPI, vol. 12, 1601–04, pp. 101–27. Pedro de Acuña and others, ‘Relations with the Chinese’ (Manila, 4 & 5 July 1605), TPI, vol. 14, 1606–09, pp. 38–52. Pedro de Acuña, ‘Letters to Felipe III’ (1–15 July 1605), TPI, vol. 14, 1606–09, pp. 53–77.
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91 Santiago de Vera, ‘Letter from Vera to Filipe II’ (26 June 1588), TPI, vol. 7, 1588–91, pp. 56–7.
92 Alonso Sauyo seemed to be the responsible official at that period, see Francisco Tello and others, ‘Military affairs in the Islands’ (Manila, 12 July 1599), TPI, vol. 10, 1597–99, p. 213.
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96 In the second year (1594), the Ministry of War again confirmed that ‘[we] kill the captured-criminals, and enormously reward the envoys of the chiefs (Spaniards in the Philippines), to strengthen their vested faith and detect the situation with respect to Japan’. See MSL, Shenzong shilu 278, WL22/12, dingwei, p. 5136.
97 Dong xi yang kao, pp. 89–96.
98 Ibid., p. 91. Xu Fuyuan, the General-Governor of Fujian, also admitted that ‘after killing the chief, and taking his fortune, [Pan et al.] escaped to the south of Jiaozhi (Vietnam). Our people are really malevolent’.
99 Gaspar de san Agustín, O.S.A., Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas (1565–1615) (Manila, 1571), libro 2, capítulo VIII, pp. 359–60, in Taiwan yu Xibanya guanxi shiliao huibian [The historical sources collection of Taiwanese–Spanish relations], vol. I, ed. Lee Yu-chung (Nantou: Guoshi guan Taiwan wenxian guan, 2008), pp. 119–21.
100 Wilson, Andrew, Ambition and identity: Chinese merchant elites in colonial Manila, 1880–1916 (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a general description of Lin's uprising and its legacy, see Callanta, Cesar V., The Limahong Invasion (Quezon City: New Day, 1989)Google Scholar; Teresita Ang See, ‘Limahong: Pirate, rebel or hero?’, in Chinese in the Philippines, vol. 4 (Manila: Kaisa Para Sa Kaunlaran, 2013), pp. 290–302. The Spanish archives describe Lin's attack, see De San Agustín, Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas (1565–1615), libro 2, capítulo XVI, pp. 401–5; capítulo XXI, p. 435, in Taiwan yu Xibanya guanxi shiliao huibian, pp. 145–9.
101 Wilson mentions Lin's attack, and also confirms that ‘[t]hroughout this period the Spanish were understandably suspicious of sangleys … For much of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the Spanish feared a Chinese invasion’. See Wilson, Ambition and identity, pp. 37–8.
102 Francisco de Sande, ‘Relation of the Filipinas Islands’ (Manila, 7 June 1576), TPI, vol. 4, 1576–82, p. 45.
103 Wickberg, Edgar, The Chinese in Philippine life, 1850–1898 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965), pp. 10–11, 40–41, 211Google Scholar. Larkin, John A., The Pampangans: Colonial society in a Philippine province (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), p. 49Google Scholar; Borao, José Eugenio, ‘The massacre of 1603: Chinese perception of the Spaniards in the Philippines’, Itinerario 23, 1 (1998) 22–39Google Scholar.