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On the Possible Cham Origin of the Philippine Scripts*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 August 2009
Extract
I. The Philippine Scripts
In 1593, there was printed in Manila a most remarkable xylographic (wood-block) book, comprising Juan de Plascenia's Doctrina Christiana in Spanish, romanized Tagalog and Tagalog script (see Fig. 1). While there is still some debate as to whether this was the first book to be published in the Philippines, there appears little doubt that it constitutes the earliest extant printed example of any Philippine script.
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References
1 Scott, W.H., Prehispanic Source Materials for Philippine History (Quezon City, 1984), p. 53Google Scholar. A photolithographic edition of the sole known copy of the work was published in Washington D.C. in 1947. Scott, in Prehispanic Source Materials, p. 164Google Scholar notes another facsimile edition published by the National Historical Commission, Manila in 1973.
2 In his introductory essay to the 1947 facsimile edition, published as Doctrina Christiana — The First Book Printed in the Philippines, Manila 1593: A Facsimile of the Copy in the Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection, Library of Congress (Washington D.C., 1947)Google Scholar, Edwin Wolf 2nd indicated his belief that the work was the earliest verifiable book to have been published in the Philippines. However, der Loon, P. Van, in his “The Manila Incunabula and Early Hokkien Studies”, Asia Major XII (1966): 1–43Google Scholar, suggests that the Hsin-k'o seng-shih Kao-mu Hsien chuan Wu-chi t'ien-chu cheng-chiao chen-chuan shi-lu, a wood-block edition of a theological and cosmographical work written in Chinese by the Dominican Friar Juan Cobo, was published in Manila in March 1593 and thus may pre-date the Doctrina Christiana.
3 In Blair, E.H. and Robertson's, J.A.The Philippine Islands 1493–1803 (Original edition published Cleveland 1903–1909, reprinted Rizal, 1973), vol. XII, p. 10Google Scholar, his dates in the Philippines are incorrectly noted as 1595 to 1602. Wolf, Edwin 2nd, in his introduction to the facsimile Doctrina Christiana adds (p. 9)Google Scholar that Chirino returned to the islands in 1606 and remained there until his death in 1635.
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7 Ibid., vol. XXIX, pp. 288–90.
8 Ibid., vol. XL, p. 49.
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15 For diverse examples of the various Philippine scripts, see Figs. 8, 9 and 10 in Francisco, , Philippine PalaeographyGoogle Scholar.
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43 Ibid., pp. 42–43.
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45 Ibid.
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53 See, for example, Solheim, W.G. II, “Further Relationships of the Sa-huynh-Kalanay Pottery Tradition”, Asian Perspectives 8, 1 (1964): 196–211Google Scholar.
54 Francisco, , Indian Culture in the Philippines, p. 51Google Scholar.
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56 Song Hui-yao Ji-gao (Beijing Zhonghua Shuju, 1957), juan 197, p. 7761Google Scholar. A translation of the full passage, as well as the Chinese text, are to be found in Scott, W.H., Filipinos in China Before 1500 (Manila, 1989), pp. 27–28 and 45Google Scholar.
57 See Wilkinson, R.J., A Malay-English Dictionary (Romanised) (Mytilene, Greece, 1932), vol. 1, p. 542Google Scholar; Huffman, F.E. and Im Proum, , Cambodian-English Glossary, 1977, p. 13Google Scholar; and Francisco, , Indian Influences in the Philippines, p. 59Google Scholar; Yule, Henry and Burnell, A.C., Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases (London: John Murray, 1903), pp. 487–90Google Scholar.
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59 The b/m initial in Hokkien is discussed in Sian-lin's, Yen “Studies in the Phonological History of Amoy Chinese” (PhD dissertation, University of Illinois, 1965)Google Scholar. Yen quotes from Bodman's Spoken Amoy Hokkien as follows: “It is simpler to state that in Amoy Chinese there exists a structural contrast of plain versus nasalized vowels after all initials, and that b and m, l and n, and g and ng are merely variants of each other, depending on whether a plain or nasalized vowel or dipthong follows.” Yen (p. 34) also analyzes “m” and “b” as allophonic variants of /m/. This characteristic is frequently observed in early Hokkien representations of non-Chinese terms where characters read with an initial “b” are often used to represent the foreign initial “m”. The use of “ba” to represent the “ma” of “maharajah” is a case in point.
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61 Zhao Ru-gua, , Zhu Fan-zhi (Taiwan Bank Economic Research Office edition; Taiwan, 1961), p. 35Google Scholar. An English translation of the work is contained in F. Hirth and Rockhill, W.W., Chau Ju-kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chih (St. Petersburg, 1911)Google Scholar.
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68 Tarling, N., Piracy and Politics in the Malay World: A Study of British Imperialism in Nineteenth-Century South-east Asia (Melbourne, 1963), pp. 112–14, 117Google Scholar.
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