The Social Policy Digest went online in the summer of 2003. This means that the Digest, which used to be printed as part of the Journal of Social Policy, is now only available via the web.

The Labour government has often argued that it is attempting to find a ‘third way’ in politics, appearing to take its inspiration from Anthony Giddens and, in relation to Labour's pensions policy, Giddens' notion of ‘positive welfare’.

Noting that the government maintains that ‘pensions are all about security’, and that it has declared the importance of this position throughout its reform of UK pension provision, this article critically examines the nature of the ‘security’ its reform is likely to deliver. Using the work of Giddens, it notes the importance of the concept of ontological security, and the relevance of trust to security. From this basis, and drawing upon the work of both Giddens and Niklas Luhmann, it goes on to consider whether the government's reforms of the three pillars of pension provision in the UK – state provision, occupational provision and personal provision – are capable of delivering greater security in pension provision.

It concludes that, quite apart from the potential criticisms of the conception of positive welfare itself, the government's apparent adoption of such an approach has failed to appreciate adequately the importance of ontological security to any understanding of welfare. As a consequence, it is suggested that the practical outcome is reform that is likely to create much less security in pension provision than either Giddens' approach, or indeed regular government pronouncements, might suggest.

In the policy sciences the study of dissemination phenomena is usually connected to the concept of policy diffusion. In view of what has been produced using this perspective, there is every reason to develop alternative points of view. In this article we present the main features of one such alternative: the constructivist translation perspective. The translation perspective depicts policy diffusion as an imitation process, where meaning is constructed by disembedding policy ideas from their previous context and using them as models for altered political structures in a new context. The translation metaphor draws attention to the importance of a deepened problematisation of the policy concept, the personal character of the translation, and to the fact that translation processes are always tied to local contexts. Policy translation should be seen as an open, continuous process, never independent of the societal distribution of power. In this article the translation perspective is outlined and illustrated by a detailed case study of the Swedish methadone maintenance treatment programme.

This article contends that the New Labour government's current policies on street homelessness in England prioritise ‘social cohesion’ over ‘social justice’ objectives. While the government has implemented substantial improvements in services for street homeless people in recent years, and has achieved a significant reduction in the numbers sleeping rough, a strong ‘social control’ emphasis has now emerged in this policy agenda, as those remaining on the streets are increasingly viewed as an ‘anti-social behaviour’ problem. The article argues that coercive or forceful measures aimed at street homeless people cannot be justified from a social justice perspective, unless it can be demonstrated that they have a positive impact on the welfare of this marginalised group. The evidence presently available, although not definitive, indicates that such measures are more likely to undermine than promote the well-being of street homeless people.

This article seeks to evaluate how well the different welfare states of Europe perform in terms of preventing recurrent and persistent income poverty and what household and individual characteristics influence poverty duration. Because we use cross-national data on longitudinal poverty, we are able to increase our understanding of the effect of the institutional context within which poverty occurs. We show that country welfare regimes strongly influence long-run poverty, with social democratic countries reducing the level of persistent and recurrent poverty. Liberal and Southern European regime countries have both higher rates and longer durations of poverty. Despite their dissimilar patterns of poverty duration, European welfare states display rather similar patterns of exit from poverty, once we control for duration. There is some evidence that high initial exit rates from poverty in social democratic and corporatist countries decrease quickly whereas those in liberal and Southern European countries remain high, which could suggest lower levels of incentives in the former.

When New Labour came to power in the UK in 1997 it brought with it a strong commitment to reducing inequality and social exclusion. One strand of its strategy involved a focus on area-based initiatives to reduce the effects of persistent disadvantage. Health Action Zones (HAZs) were the first example of this type of intervention, and their focus on community-based initiatives to tackle the wider social determinants of health inequalities excited great interest both nationally and internationally. This article draws on findings from the national evaluation of the initiative. It provides an overview of the HAZ experience, and explores why many of the great expectations associated with HAZs at their launch failed to materialise. It suggests that, despite their relatively limited impact, it is best to consider that they made a good start in difficult circumstances rather than that they failed. As a result there are some important lessons to be learned about the role of complex community-based interventions in tackling seemingly intractable social problems for policy-makers, practitioners and evaluators. Social programs are complex undertakings. They are an amalgam of dreams and personalities, rooms and theories, paper clips and organisational structure, clients and activities, budgets and photocopies, and great intentions. (Weiss, 1998: 48)

The article traces the post-war history of the British hospital contributory schemes, which had developed during the inter-war years to the point where, through the accumulation of small weekly contributions from a mass membership, they provided substantial proportions of hospital income. A minority of contributory schemes remained in existence post-1948, but their subsequent development has received little attention. Some evolved into provident associations offering private health insurance; others remained committed to the provision of low-cost benefits to a blue-collar clientele, and continued to be known as hospital contributory schemes. This article outlines the principal features of the contributory schemes' contemporary history. We first explore why many schemes decided to continue in existence. The next section uses national and individual scheme records to delineate the market niche which they captured and to investigate their role in post-war health provision, relative to the state system. In particular we trace the decline of convalescent home benefit, and the gradual trend towards a more uniform benefit package, of which optical and dental grants were the most popular. We then survey patterns of membership and account for the main trends in support for cash plan products since 1950. Finally, we ask to what extent the schemes were able to retain their character as a ‘movement’ with distinctive mutualist and charitable features, particularly in the more competitive environment of the later twentieth century.

Direct payments are becoming an important means by which any disabled person can arrange their care in ways that give them more choice and control over how they are supported. A key part of this new freedom is the ability to employ personal assistants (PAs) on terms laid down by the direct payments user. While endorsing the basic principles underpinning direct payments, this article raises questions over whether the employment market in suitably skilled and competent PAs has been sufficiently well researched. For example, with demand set to grow, will there be an adequate supply of reliable workers to employ? It is possible that raised expectations will not be able to be met adequately. The article also raises questions about regulation and training, particularly in relation to how best to ensure that the needs of vulnerable people are met, that risk is managed effectively and that the principle of leaving key decision making with the employer is retained.