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The World of the Panhellenion I. Athens and Eleusis*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

A. J. Spawforth  and
Susan Walker
A. J. Spawforth
Affiliation:
University of Newcastle upon Tyne
Susan Walker
Affiliation:
Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, The British Museum
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Extract

In A.D. 131/2 the emperor Hadrian created a new organization of Greek cities, the Panhellenion. This paper is the first of two in which we explore, from a provincial perspective, the implications of this novel initiative by Rome in Greek affairs.

The foundation of the Panhellenion belongs to a series of interventions by Hadrian in the Greek world, the others mostly in the form of acts of benefaction towards individual communities. Although Hadrian's reign marked a watershed in Greek relations with Rome, these relations had already evolved significantly over the previous two generations. The two most obvious developments lay in the overlapping areas of cultural and political life. Not only did educated Greeks and Romans now share an intellectual milieu, but a renaissance of Greek literary and rhetorical activity had begun under the leadership of provincials enjoying (more often than not) close ties with Rome. At the same time, a Roman career had become more available to ambitious Greeks; a marked increase in the numbers of Greek senators may be dated to the last quarter of the first century.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 75 , November 1985 , pp. 78 - 104
Copyright
Copyright © A. J. Spawforth and Susan Walker 1985. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Oliver, inscriptions nos. 1–50, with ch. IV, ‘The Attic Panhellenion’; Follet, 125–36, with (133–4) five additional inscriptions; and Oliver, , ‘Panachaeans and Panhellenes’, Hesperia XLVII (1978), 185–91Google Scholar. Earlier discussions of the Panhellenion by M. N. Tod, JHS XLII (1922), 173–80, and by Graindor, P., Athénes sous Hadrien (1934), 102–11Google Scholar, although out of date, contain perceptive remarks.

2 Oliver, 132.

3 Oliver, no. 1, II. 23–4, with p. 15; Follet, 134.

4 Oliver, no. 1, II. 17 (election) and 18–19 with p. 14 (eligibility).

5 Cyrene: see I. 12 of the inscription re-edited by Reynolds, J., JRS LXVIII (1978), 113Google Scholar with 117; Sparta: Oliver, no. 46.

6 See Oliver, no. 1, II. 24–5.

7 Based on the inscriptions cited by Oliver and Follet (above, n. 1). For Synnada's membership, see below, p. 91; for that of Rhodes, hitherto overlooked, see Part II, JRS LXXVI (1986).

8 Oliver, nos. 27 and 50. Cyrene: inscription cited above, n. 5.

9 Note, however, the much wider geographical spread reflected by the embassies attending the dedication of the Olympieion: Graindor, op. cit. (n. 1), 66–9.

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17 Hadrian's letter to Cyrene (n. 15); Oliver, nos. 5, 6, 45 and 50; and the Synnadan decree discussed below.

18 Oliver, nos. 5 and 6, a better edition of the latter (of which Oliver was evidently unaware) to be found in OGIS II, no. 497.

19 OGIS, ibid. 1. 6.

20 ibid. II. 2–3: Ἡ Κιβυρατῶν πόλις ἄποικος Λ[ακεδαιμονίων καὶ] συγγενὶς Ἀθηναίων, IGRR III, 500 I (Oenoanda text); Strabo XIII, 4, 17, p. 63.

21 L. and J. Robert, REG LXXXV (1972), 397. The importance of these claims to the civic mentality, and their connection with the Panhellenion, have been stressed by L. Robert and were to have been treated by him in a forthcoming book: see, e.g. Hellenica VIII (1960), 90–1, where the proposed contents were summarized.

22 Oliver, no. 21. In 1. 15, ὰνανεούμεθα suggests that Severus on this occasion might have ‘renewed’ the Panhellenia's status as a hieros agon (see below).

23 Oliver, no. 18, with Graindor, op. cit. (n. 1), 102 with n. 3.

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35 Oliver, 130–1.

36 PIR 2 C 1424.

37 Oliver, , Epigrafia e Ordine Senatorio II (1982), 589–91Google Scholar.

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43 Oliver, no. 49, now republished as IG X, 2, 181.

44 Philostratus, VS 597.

45 J. A. O. Larsen, ‘A Thessalian Family under the Principate’, Class. Phil. XLVIII (1953), 86–94.

46 Inscr. Cret. IV, no. 275.

47 G. Pugliese Carratelli, PP V (1950), 77, no. 1. Family: C. Blinkenberg, Lindos II, Inscriptions II (1941), nos. 458 (in II. 4–5, [Άγλωχάρτου] should perhaps be restored and a reference recognized to M. Cocceius Aglochartus, the archon's father), and 479.

48 Oliver, 106–7, n. 8, pace whom there seems no good reason for identifying Antiochus as a son of C. Iulius Casianus Apollonius, archon c. 200.

49 Philostratus, VS 549 (Herodes) and 597–8 (Rufus).

50 Oliver, no. 49.

51 So H. Pleket, ZPE XX (1976), 7–8, commenting on PP V (1950), 77, no. 1, where Timasarchus is described as τὸν ἀγωνοθέτην τρὶς τῶν μεγάλων Ἁλιείων καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Ὀλυμπ[ίων]; but it seems doubtful whether τρίς applies to both agonothesiai, as Pleket believed.

52 This man and his family are restudied by A. Spawforth, ‘Families at Roman Sparta and Epidaurus: some prosopographical notes’, ABSA LXXX (1985), forthcoming.

53 See Oliver, AJPh LXXXIX (1968), 345–7, with the new inscription from Italy, Franco, M. C., Epigraphica XXXIII (1971), 82–90Google Scholar.

54 Follet, 133; for Severus, see Halfmann, op. cit. (n. 13), no. 62.

55 A. Rehm, Didyma II: Die Inschriften (1958), no. 361, giving details of his own and his family's office holding.

56 SEG XI, 501, II. 5–6: συνθύτης ἰς Νέαν πόλιν, ὑπερχρονίαν μὴ λαβών, with Robert, L., Opera Minora Selecta II (1969), 1182Google Scholar.

57 Philostratus, VS 57–8.

58 OGIS II, 505, II. 7–8.

59 Oliver, no. 49, II. 7–9.

60 Oliver, no. 1, II. 15–23 and 27–9. Oliver, p. 40, also believed that Popillius Pius (11. 30–5) was a Panhellene-elect.

61 So Bowie, E. in Finley, M. (ed.), Studies in Ancient Society (1974), 196Google Scholar.

62 OGIS II, nos. 504–7 (cf. Oliver, nos. 28–30). In no. 504, 11. 11–12, Eurycles is described as ἰδίᾳ πρὸς τὸν θαυμασιώτατον ἡμῶν ἄρχοντα Φλάβιον Κύλλον φιλοτιμίᾳ κεχρημένον.

63 ibid. 11. 8–10: ἐν τῶι κοινῶι ἐπὶ παιδείαι τε καὶ/τῆι ἄλληι ἀρετῆι καὶ ἐπιεικείαι διάδηλον ἑαυτὸν πεποιηκέν[αι].

64 Oliver, , Hesperia Suppl. 6 (1941), 93–6Google Scholar, no. 11.

65 Reynolds, J., Aphrodisias and Rome (1982), 185–9, no. 57Google Scholar.

66 LXIX, 16, 1–3; cf. Follet, 115.

67 For an aspect of these interventions, see Wörrle, M., Chiron I (1971), 325–40Google Scholar.

68 Follet, 115–16 and 129.

69 Follet, 348 and 346.

70 Follet, 348.

71 Jones, A. H. M., The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian (1940), 185 and 343, n. 56Google Scholar.

72 Follet, 331–3.

73 Oliver, nos. 45 and 50; also the Synnadan decree discussed below.

74 Note, from Mylasa, M. lulius Apellas, Athenian citizen and archon of the Eumolpidae: IG III, 731; also IG IV2, 955 and J. Crampa, Labraunda III, 2, The Greek Inscriptions (1972), nos. 58–9 and p. 171; from Ephesus, M. Tigellius Lupus, Athenian citizen and herald of the boule and demos: Traill, J. S., Hesperia XLVII (1978), 303, no. 28Google Scholar, 11. 5–6, with Hesperia LI (1982), 211–12, no. 16 and D. Knibbe and R. Merkelbach, ZPE XXXIII (1979), 124–5. Arrian of Nicomedia, Athenian citizen and archon in 145/6: Oliver, ‘Arrian in two roles’, reprinted in The Civic Tradition and Roman Athens (1983), 66–75Google Scholar. Also the Athenian notable married to an Asiarch's daughter: IG II2, 3704.

75 Epigrafia e Ordine Senatorio II, 589.

76 Oliver, no. II.

77 Oliver, , Hesperia XLVII (1978), 190–1, no. 2Google Scholar.

78 OGIS II, no. 505.

79 Crampa, op. cit. (n. 74), no. 66.

80 Oliver, op. cit. (n. 75), 589–92.

81 Oliver, no. 39.

82 D. J. Geagan, TAPhA CIII (1972), 133–55; Follet, 191–3 pace whom there is no reason at present for preferring to identify the archon with the nephew of Andragathus, also called Attalus, but not, it seems, an Athenian citizen.

83 Geagan, ibid. 152–5 and 156–8 (other Athenian priests of Concord; note too IG II2 1990, II. 3–4, an Athenian priest of Zeus Eleutherius in 61/2); also the Plataean inscription published by R. Etienne and M. Piérart, BCH XCIX (1975), 51–3. Eleutheria: Follet, 349.

84 MAMA VI, no. 374.

85 A. Kokkou, Άδριάνεια ἕργα εἴς τὰς Άθηνας, ADelt. XXV (1970), 150–73; Travlos, passim. For individual sites, see the references given below. On Hellenistic patronage of Athens, see Thompson, H. A., ‘Athens and the Hellenistic Princes’, Proc. Am. Phil. Soc. XCVII (1953). 254–61;Google ScholarBraund, D., Rome and the Friendly King (1984), 77Google Scholar; Veyne, P., Le Pain et le Cirque (1976), 229Google Scholar.

86 Revett, J. Stuart-N., The Antiquities of Athens I–IV (1762–1816)Google Scholar. This remains the only source of measured drawings of several major Hadrianic monuments. For the influence of this work on contemporary taste, see Crook, J. Mordaunt, The Greek Revival (1972)Google Scholar and Watson, David, ‘Athenian’ Stuart (1982)Google Scholar.

87 S. Walker, ‘Corinthian capitals with ringed voids: the work of Athenian craftsmen in the second century A.D.’, AA (1979), 103–29.

88 D. E. Strong, ‘Late Hadrianic architectural ornament in Rome’, PBSR N.S. VIII (1953), 118–51, esp. p. 134.

89 S. Walker, art. cit. (n. 87) and Shear, 376.

90 This point was first raised in discussion by G. S. Barrass. See Pausanias 1, 18, 9 for the use of Phrygian marble at Athens; on the imperial quarries, see Waelkens, M., Dokimeion (1982), 125, n. 338Google Scholar.

91 Dio Cassius LXIX, 4; SHA, Hadrian 19, 9–13.

92 SHA, Hadrian 20, 4–5; Steph. Byz., s.v. ‘Olympieion’. See also Zahrnt, M., Chiron IX (1979), 393–8Google Scholar.

93 See n. 92. The texts: IG II2, 5185; SEG XXI, 820; XXIX, 198. On the architecture, see Travlos, 253; Strong, art. cit. (n. 88), 131; W.-D. Heilmeyer, Korinthische Normalkapitelle (Erg.-heft 16, DAI Rom, 1970), 72 and n. 281; Walker, art. cit. (n. 87), 111–13.

94 The analogy is noted by Vanderpool, E., ‘Some Attic Inscriptions’, Hesperia XXXIX (1970), 44Google Scholar.

95 Benjamin, A. S., ‘The altars of Hadrian in Athens and Hadrian's Panhellenic Program’, Hesperia XXXII (1963), 57–86Google Scholar. The arguments were developed in depth in a seminar paper (as yet unpublished) by Professor C. P. Jones.

96 Travlos, 402–3; Heilmeyer, op. cit. (n. 93), 57, no. 237. Abramson, H., CalifStClAn VII (1974), I ffGoogle Scholar.; Walker, art. cit. (n. 87), 107–9.

97 Contra Benjamin, art. cit. (n. 95), 58–9.

98 Travlos, 429; Benjamin, 59.

99 P. Graindor, op. cit. (n. 1), 170.

100 Travlos, AAA III (1970), 7, fig. 1. Kokkou, art. cit. (n. 85), 165–7.

101 IG II2, 1102. T. Sauciuc, ‘Ein Hadriansbrief und das Hadriansgymnasium in Athen’, AM XXXVII (1912), 182–9. Travlos, art. cit. (n. 100), 11–13.

102 Travlos, 340.

103 Thompson, H. A., Hesperia XIX (1950), 321Google Scholar, fig. 1 and 326, pl. 102. Kokkou, art. cit. (n. 85), 167.

104 Shear (see abbreviations, p. 78). This valuable account, unfortunately not illustrated, contains references to earlier reports on the buildings discussed below.

105 IG II2 3250. Shear, 362 and nos. 26–8.

106 Dinsmoor, W. B. Jr., ‘Anchoring two floating temples’, Hesperia LI (1982), 425Google Scholar.

107 Hesperia XLII (1973), 370–82Google Scholar. Thompson, , Agora Guide3, 94–5Google Scholar; figs. 3–4. Shear, 369–70 suggests that the stoa was funded by the demos.

108 Thompson, , Agora Guide3, 131–4Google Scholar with earlier bibliography. On Pantaenus see J. H. Oliver, HThR LXXII (1979), 157–60. See also Shear, 370–1.

109 Thompson, , Agora Guide3, 127–31Google Scholar; reconstruction, 128, fig. 64. Shear, 371–2.

110 Thompson, , Agora Guide3, 100Google Scholar. Shear, 376–7. On the dating evidence, see Hesperia XLII (1973), 136–8Google Scholar.

111 Shear, 376.

112 Hesperia XLII (1973), 136Google Scholar. The fragmentary decoration of the interior of the basilica is unpublished. Susan Walker would like to thank Professor Shear for allowing her to see it in 1976.

113 Hesperia XLII (1973), 136Google Scholar.

114 Shear, 375–6, nos. 77–8.

115 id.; see also Ward-Perkins, J. B., Roman Imperial Architecture2 (1982), 269Google Scholar. An account of the remains is given by M. A. Sisson, ‘The Stoa of Hadrian at Athens’, PBSR XI (1929), 50–72. See also Kokkou, art. cit. (n. 85), 162–5. On the architectural decoration, see Strong, art. cit. (n. 88), 131, and Heilmeyer, op. cit. (n. 93), 75 with no. 295.

116 Shear, 376; here the library is linked with the north-east basilica.

117 Travlos, 28–9, figs. 38–45. See the earlier accounts given by Graindor, P., Athènes sous Auguste (1927), 183–97Google Scholar; H. S. Robinson, AJA XLVII (1943), 291–305, and K. Tuchelt, IstMitt XXXI (1981), 180 and n. 74.

118 The embassy of Eucles is recorded on the inscribed propylon, IG II2, 3175. A statue of Lucius Caesar was set on the top of the pediment: IG II2, 3251. Neither text records the endowment of a market.

119 Shear, 359 and nn. 16–18. The literary sources do not record such a project at Athens.

120 Robinson, art. cit. (n. 117), 300.

121 IG II2, 1100, re-edited by Oliver, J. H., The Ruling Power (TAPhA XLIII, 4, 1953), 960–3Google Scholar. See also P. Graindor, op. cit. (n. 1), 74–9; Day, J., An Economic History of Athens under Roman Domination (1942), 189–92Google Scholar; Follet, 117 and n. 4.

122 Shear, 359.

123 The dedication inscribed on the architrave (Travlos, 39, figs. 47–8 and 41, fig. 50) refers to the ϴεοί Σεβαστοί, and is thought to be a Claudian or Neronian honour to Augustus and Livia. It may, however, have been copied from an earlier structure on the same site, or may even refer to Roman emperors as a group. Part of this structure is now located in front of the Parthenon (Travlos, fig. 50). There is then no reason to accept his view that on the grounds of find-spots of other inscriptions the Agoranomion must have been located to the west of the Roman Agora (Travlos, 37).

124 IG II2, 3391; Travlos, fig. 51.

125 G. Dondas, AAA I (1968), 221–4; II (1969), 1–3; ADelt XXV (1969), Chron. 19–23 for reports of the excavations. The identification was cautiously reported by Kokkou, art. cit (n. 85), 159–61 and appears in Travlos, 439. Shear, 375, sees the foundations as the substructures of a podium temple larger than the Parthenon. The relationship with the ‘Roman Agora’ is well illustrated by Travlos, fig. 362.

126 Bartoli, A., Curia Senatus (1963)Google Scholar; Zanker, P., Forum Romanum (1972), 10, abb. 9–12Google Scholar.

127 Bartoli, op. cit. (n. 126), fig. 1 reproduced by Zanker, fig. 8. The coin was issued in 29 B.C.

128 Ward-Perkins, op. cit. (n. 115), 287, fig. 186 (Smyrna); 253, fig. 161 (Doclea). Both are basilicas set alongside fora in the western manner.

129 As estimated by Coarelli, F., Guida Archeologica di Roma (1976), 168Google Scholar.

130 ibid.

131 Macdonald, W., The Political Meeting Places of the Greeks (1943), esp. pp. 97–126Google Scholar, ‘The Federal Leagues’.

132 id. 204. Pausanias VIII, 32, 1 describes the building as ‘the council-house built for the Ten Thousand Arcadians’. He saw it in ruins.

133 On Delphi, see Macdonald, op. cit. (n. 131), 123, and on the Phokikon, id., 261. In view of the disparity between this description and the attested forms of other Greek meeting-halls, Macdonald (Pl. xvii) restored a building with a single interior row of columns alongside a three-aisled alternative.

134 Pausanias 1, 3, 5 for Zeus Boulaeus. See the discussion by Macdonald, op. cit. (n. 131), 136–7, and K. Tuchelt, ‘Buleuterion und Ara Augusti’, Ist. Mitt. XXV (1975), 91–140, esp. 136 ff.

135 We are indebted to I. Knithakis and F. Mallouchou-Tufano for information on the current excavations.

136 On the post-Herulian defences, see Travlos, Πολεοδομικὴ Ἐξέλιξις τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (1960), 121–4; Dictionary, 161, 163, 179. See also Thompson, H. A., ‘Athenian Twilight A.D. 267–600’, JRS XLIX (1959), 64–5Google Scholar; Millar, F., JRS LIX (1969), 12–29Google Scholar and de Ste., G. E. M. Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World (1981), 653–5, n. 42Google Scholar.

137 Travlos, ΠΑΕ 1950, 52. Compare the later history of Building ‘M’ at Side, Pamphylia, a structure of similar plan to Hadrian's Library and of uncertain function: Mansel, A. M., Die Ruinen von Side (1963), 109–21Google Scholar.

138 On the lack of evidence for local militias in the later third century, see Macmullen, R., Soldier and Civilian in the later Roman Empire (1963), 138Google Scholar. For a mid-third century phrourion on the Athenian acropolis, see IG II2, 3193. This is thought to be the work of Illyrius, proconsul Achaiae under Valerian (D. Geagan, ANRW 7, 1 (1979), 410).

139 Possible evidence of administrative activity in this area may be seen in the tetrarchic decree, IG II2, 1121. This does not indicate that Hadrian's Library was originally intended as an archive (contra Sisson, art. cit. (n. 115), 66).

140 E. Ziller, ‘Untersuchungen über die antiken Wasserleitungen Athens’, AM II (1877), 120–2. A. Kordellas, Αἱ Ἀθῆναι ἐξεταξόμεναι ὑπὸ ὑδραυλικὴν ἔποψιν (1879), 78–89, 114–22. Travlos, 242.

141 The Latin inscription (CIL III, 549) adorned an arcaded portico set in front of the reservoir.

142 The portico is illustrated by Stuart and Revett, op. cit. (n. 86), ch. iv, reproduced by Travlos, 243.

143 Travlos, 180 ff.

144 Reconstruction by Walker, S. and Sunter, N. in Thompson, , Agora Guide3, 151, fig. 77Google Scholar. For the aqueduct, see p. 143 and p. 142, fig. 72.

145 Travlos, 436. Thompson, , Agora Guide3, 137Google Scholar.

146 Dinsmoor, W. B. Jr. in Hesperia XLIII (1974), 412–17Google Scholar. See also Thompson, , Agora Guide3, 117Google Scholar.

147 Geagan, art. cit. (n. 138), 399. See also Travlos, 477.

148 Thompson, H. A., ‘The Odeion in the Athenian Agora’, Hesperia XIX (1950), 31–141Google Scholar.

149 Dinsmoor, art. cit. (n. 106), 410–52.

150 Graindor, P., Hérode Atticus: un milliardaire attique et sa famille (1931)Google Scholar; Ameling, W., Herodes Atticus I. Biographie; II. Inschriftenkatalog (1983)Google Scholar.

151 Travlos, 378 ff.

152 C. Gasparri, ‘Lo stadio Panatenaico: documenti e testimonianze per una riconsiderazione dell'edificio di Erode Attico’, ASAA LI–LII (1974–1975), 313–92.

153 Travlos, 345. For the route to the stadium see the plan, p. 291.

154 id. 180 ff. and plan, p. 171. See also Zahrnt, art. cit. (n. 92).

155 The evidence comes from Olympia: Philostratus, Vita Apollonii V, 43; Pausanias V, 21, 12–24.

156 Gasparri, art. cit. (n. 152), 379–80 for the tomb; 367–75 for the temple. Herodes' wife Annia Regilla appears to have been first priestess: IG II2, 3607; Gasparri, 374.

157 The conversion to an arena apparently occurred in the third century. The site was gradually abandoned after the Herulian invasions: Gasparri, 316. For the modern excavation and use of the stadium, see also C. H. Weller, ‘The story of the stadium at Athens’, BAIA III (1911–1912), 172–7.

158 Aristides, Or. XXII, 4.

159 Meiggs, R. and Lewis, D., A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions (1969), no. 73Google Scholar.

160 The link was first noted by Tod, M. N., JHS XLII (1922), 178Google Scholar.

161 Oliver, nos. 15 and 16; Oliver, no. 15 with Follet, 128.

162 Meiggs-Lewis, ibid. (n. 159), II. 40–4.

163 See Jameson, M. in Garnsey, P. and C. Whittaker, R., Trade and Famine in Antiquity (1983), 10–11Google Scholar.

164 Oliver, no. 8, dated to 172–5.

165 Date: Follet, 127.

166 Inscr. Cret. IV, no. 300.

167 Oliver, no. 12; K. Clinton, AE (1971), 116–17, no. 10.

168 Oliver, , Hesperia XXI (1952), 381–99,Google Scholar republishing IG II2, 1092.

169 So Follet, 127. See S. N. Dragoumis, AE (1900), 75, restoring [τῶι σ]εμνοτάτ[ωι συν]εδρίωι [τῶν Πανελλήνων] and [τῶν Πα]νελλ[ή]νω[ν] in (as it became) IG II2, 1092, 11. 2–3 and 6.

170 Oliver, ibid. (n. 168), 382, 11. 25–6: μεθ᾿ οὓς ἔι τ[ι πε]ριττεύοι κα[θάπερ τι] καὶ ἐπε[ρίττε]υσεν ἤδη.

171 So Follet, 127 (cautiously).

172 IG II2, 3676 = Oliver, ibid. (n. 168), 396–7, with Follet, 127 no. 7. For the ‘hearth-initiates’, see K. Clinton, The Sacred Officials of the Eleusinian Mysteries (1974), 98–114.

173 Follet, 127.

174 For a summary of Roman building activity at Eleusis, see G. Mylonas, Eleusis and the Eleusinian Mysteries (1061) and Mylonas, s.v. ‘Eleusis’ in The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, ed. R. Stillwell, W. Macdonald, M. McAllister (1976), 296–8. His identifications of buildings are not always reliable.

175 A plan of the Roman sanctuary and its entrance is given by Travlos, ΠΑΕ 1960, 14, fig. 2. On the fountain see A. K. Orlandos, Ἡ κρήνη τῆς Ἐλευσῖνος in Studies presented to Edward Capps (1936), 282 ff.

176 Kordellas, op. cit. (n. 140); Curtius, L.-Kaupfert, G., Karten von Attika (1896)Google Scholar.

177 Kokkou, art. cit. (n. 85), 171–3.

178 Mylonas, , Eleusis, 166–7Google Scholar; see also H. Kähler, RE VII, AI (1939), no. 6, s.v. ‘Triumphbögen’.

179 Mylonas, , Eleusis, 167Google Scholar.

180 Kourouniotes, K., Eleusis (trans. Broneer, O., 1936), 38Google Scholar. Heilmeyer, op. cit. (n. 93), 73.

181 Mylonas, , Eleusis, 166Google Scholar. On the architectural decoration see Heilmeyer, and Walker, art. cit. (n. 87), 122–3.

182 Mylonas, , Eleusis, 167–8Google Scholar.

183 id. 168–9.

184 id. 162–5.

185 O. Deubner, ‘Zu den grossen Propyläen von Eleusis’, AM LXII (1937), 73–81. For the inscription, not fully published, see p. 73 and n. 4.

186 id. 75 and Taf. 39.

187 The bust from Marathon is now in the collections of the Musée du Louvre. See Deubner, art. cit. (n. 185), 75–6.

188 id. 78.

189 Among numerous references to other propylaia in which the donors are commemorated, Deubner cites that of the Asklepieion at Pergamon given by A. Claudius Charax, ibid. 78.

190 Hormann, H., Die inneren Propyläen von Eleusis (1932), 46Google Scholar = CIL III, 547.

191 Mylonas, Eleusis, 161. On the early Telesterion and its history in the fifth century B.C., see now Shear, T. Leslie Jr., ‘The Demolished Temple at Eleusis’, Hesperia Suppl. 20 (1982), 128–40Google Scholar.

192 Mylonas, , Eleusis, 180Google Scholar. See n. 174 above for problems over methods of identification of Roman buildings at Eleusis.

193 Travlos, , ADelt XVI (1960)Google Scholar, Chron. 55–60.

194 R. Lindner, ‘Die Giebelgruppe von Eleusis mit Raub der Persephone’, Jdl XCVII (1982), 303–400.

195 id. 393–4. K. Clinton, op. cit. (n. 172), 36, suggests a contemporary expression of such unity in the order of priestesses in procession.

196 Aelius Aristides, Logos Eleusinios.

197 Clinton, op. cit. (n. 172), 38–9, no. 25. Ίούλιος may have been the grandson of Flavius Pantaenus: see id., 30, no. 19 and Oliver, art. cit. (n. 108).