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The Religious Position of Livy's History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

W. Liebeschuetz
W. Liebeschuetz
Affiliation:
University of Leicester.
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Extract

The History of Livy is extraordinarily full of references to the gods and their worship. In this way it differs strikingly from the writings of Sallust and Tacitus, not to mention the Commentaries of Caesar. This fact has been interpreted in various ways. Kajanto has argued that, the frequent references to religious matters notwithstanding, events in Livy's History are mainly determined by human beings, not by gods and fate. Bayet sees in Livy a pure agnostic who has grasped the importance of the religious factor in history. On the other hand, Stübler maintains that Livy was traditionally orthodox and supplemented tradition with a belief in the mission of the emperor Augustus as a god and son of a god to save Rome. An intermediate position is taken up by Walsh who sees in Livy a Stoic who can continue to respect traditional beliefs and practices because they have been given a symbolic place in a comprehensive philosophical system.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 57 , Issue 1-2 , November 1967 , pp. 45 - 55
Copyright
Copyright ©W. Liebeschuetz 1967. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 I. Kajanto, God and Fate in Livy (1957). Use of this work has been made throughout this paper, cf. W. Warde Fowler, Roman Ideas of Deity (1914), 134–58.

2 Bayet, J., Budé edition of Livy I, XXXIXGoogle Scholar; 5, 137–8.

3 G. Stübler, Die Religiosität des Livius (1941).

4 P. G. Walsh, Livy, his historical aims and method (1961), 46–81; also ‘Livy and Stoicism’, AJP LXXIX (1958), 355–75Google Scholar; also in T. A. Dorey (editor), Latin Historians (1966), 115–42.

5 cf. Cicero, , de Or. 2, 36Google Scholar; Or. 120. His use of exempla: M. Rambeau, Cicéron et l'histoire romaine (1953), 25–54. Augustus collects exempla: Suet., , Aug. 39, 2Google Scholar. Polybius noted that Roman history contained many stories of exemplary patriotic behaviour like that of Horatius Cocles: Pol. 6, 54, 6–55, 4.

6 Some older exempla: Dream of Latinius, Liv. 2, 36, 1 ff. and Cic., , Div. 1, 55Google Scholar; Macr., , Sat. 1, 11, 3Google Scholar. Defeat of Flaminius, Liv. 22, 3, 4 ff. and Cic., Div. I, 77. Temple of Locri, Liv. 29, 8, 9 ff.; 29, 18, 1–16 and Diod. 27, 4.

Camillus' generosity to Falerii already an exemplum in 171: Liv. 42, 47, 6; Diod. 30, 7, 1. Momigliano, A., CQ XXXVI (1942), 110–20Google Scholar, esp. 113; = Secondo contributo alla storia degli studi classici (1960), 89–104.

7 Walsh, Livy 124–6, 131–5. See also McDonald, A. H., PCPhS 186 (1960), 43–8Google Scholar, especially 45 on ‘scissors and paste’ composition; R. M. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy, Books 1–5 (1965), 7–16.

8 E. Burck, Die Erzählungskunst des T. Livius (reprint of 1964 with up-to-date bibliography), 182 ff.; Ogilvie, o.c. 17 ff.; Witte, K., RhM LXV (1910), 270 ff. and 359 ffGoogle Scholar. A single scene, death of Romulus: 1, 15, 6–16, 8. A sequence of scenes forming a unit: 1, 8, 4–13, 8 (Sabine women).

9 9, 1–12, 4. See Nissen, H., ‘der Caudinische Frieden’, RhM LXV (1870), 43 ffGoogle Scholar. While there can be no doubt that the detail of the renunciation of the Caudine treaty is based on events of 137/6, the surrender of the sponsors of the Caudine treaty was already considered a precedent in 136: Plut., Ti. Gracchus 8; App., Ib. 83.

10 Dion. H. 15, 9 (13). Dio 8, 8–10; Zonar. 7, 20. App., Samn. 1–2.

11 1, 24, 3 ff.; 1, 35, 5 (cf. Ogilvie, o.c. 127); 3, 71; 4. 30; 7, 31 ff.; 21, s ff.; 21, 10, 9; 21, 19, 6; 31, 8, 3; 35, 16, 1; 36, 3, 9; 38, 42, 7; 39, 2, 1–3. This concern for the justness of wars was already found in Livy's predecessors. See Erb, N., Kriegsursachen und Kriegsschuld in der ersten Pentade des T. Livius, (1963)Google Scholar; Gelzer, M., ‘Römische Politik bei Fabius Pictor’, Hermes LXVIII (1933), 129-–66Google Scholar = Kl. Schr. 3, 51–92. Polybius' interpretation: Pol. 36, 2.

12 9, 1, 3–11; end of lesson, 9, 7, 12.

13 9, 3, 5–13; ibid. 12, 2–4.

14 9, 5, 2: ‘non ut volgo credunt Claudiusque etiam scripsit foedere pax Caudina sed per sponsionem facta est.’ cf. Cic., , Inv. 2, 30Google Scholar, foedus summae religionis.

15 9, 8, 3—9, 19; cf. Cic., , Off. 3, 10, 109Google Scholar; Rep. 3, 18, 28. C. Pontius: Liv. 9, 11, 1–13.

16 9, 11, 13.

17 1, 15, 6—16, 8; cf. Richard, J.-C., ‘Énée, Romulus, César et les funerailles impériales’, MEFR LXXVIII (1966), 67–78Google Scholar.

18 Not only the thunder but also the rapid restoration of serena et tranquilla lux, cf. 2, 62, 2 tranquilla serenitas and 26, 11, 3 mira serenitas cum tranquillitate. In religionem ea res … versa est. According to Dion. H. 2, 56, 2 such detail is found in accounts that are μυθωδέστερα. Livy uses it to make his rationalist account psychologically plausible.

19 1, 16, 2–3.

20 1, 16, 4; cf. Dion. H. 2, 56, 3; Cic., , Rep. 2, 10 (20)Google Scholar.

21 1, 15, 8.

22 1, 16, 4.

23 1, 16, 5 continues ‘et consilio … unius hominis addita rei dicitur fides’.

24 1, 16, 8; cf. Cic., , Rep. 2, 10 (20)Google Scholar.

25 There is not even an assurance of the survival of the soul of Romulus, which seems to be accepted by Dion. H. 2, 56, 6; ibid. 2, 56, 3; Cic., , Leg. 2, 8, 19Google Scholar; ibid. 2, 11, 27; ND 2, 24, 62; but mocked by Cotta in ND 3, 15, 39. Also Dion. H. 2, 63, 3 seems to be acquitting Julius of inventing the vision.

26 1, 15, 6; cf. Cic., , Rep. 2, 10 (17)Google Scholar.

27 1, 16, 1.

28 1, 16, 4.

29 The message: 1, 16, 7; Hercules: 1, 7, 15. Does Livy's attitude imply a readiness to deify the living Augustus ? This is not clear; cf. 4, 20, 7 (Ogilvie, o.c.,n. 7, 563–4), prope sacrilegium not to accept Augustus' version of the Cossus inscription— but this is perhaps humorous and Livy did not alter his version. See also 9, 18, 4 vanitatem ementiendae stirpis (of Alexander the Great) and 26, 19, 6–8.

30 Liv. 8, 3, 8–11, I On location of battle see note in O.C.T. on 8, 8, 19.

31 8, 5, 8.

32 6, 41, 4 ff.

33 5, 36, 1.

34 8, 6, 3. Livy regularly dissociates himself from narratives of miracular occurrences, e.g. 1, 31, 4 traditur followed by certe when he resumes his account of facts; cf. 1, 55, 3 traditur; ibid. 5 dicitur; 2, 7, 2 adiciunt miracula … creditam … certe; 7, 6 (Marcus Curtius) dicitur … ferunt … Omission of Dioscuri from battle of Lake Regillus: cf. Liv. 2, 20, 12 with Ogilvie's commentary and Cic., , ND 2, 2 (6)Google Scholar. News of Pydna: cf. Liv. 45, I and Cic., , ND 2, 2 (6)Google Scholar. On whole subject see Kajanto, o.c. n. 1, 25 ff.

35 8, 6, 9; 8, 9, 1.

36 8, 9, 9–13. Other examples of psychological effectiveness of ritual acts: 1, 12, 5–6; 10, 26, 11; 10, 19, 17; 2, 62, 1–2; 26, 11, 2–3.

37 8, 9, 13.

38 8, 10, 4 ff.

39 8, 10, 8.

40 cf. nn. 11, 45, 46.

41 Dion. H. 2, 18–23 assigns basic religious regulations to Romulus. Livy 1, 7, 3 ‘sacra dis aliis Albano ritu, Graeco Herculi ut ab Euandro instituta erant facit’.

42 1, 19, 1; Ogilvie, o.c. 30–1.

43 Cic., , Rep. 2, 14Google Scholar; Leg. 2, 7 (16); Dion. H. 2, 63 ff. cf. Ogilvie, o.c. n. 7, 90–1; Walbank, F. W., Commentary on Polybius Vol. 1 (1957). 741–2Google Scholar; W. Fowler, Roman Ideas of Deity 81 ff.

44 1, 19, 4.

45 1, 21, 1–2. Similarly Pol. 6, 56, 13–15.

46 1, 21, 4 on fides; cf. 3, 20, 5 and two famous exempla, Per. 18 (Regulus), 24, 18, 5 (prisoners of Cannae).

47 Walsh, Livy 48.

48 5, 55, 1; 6, 1, 10.

49 4, 2, 5 ff.; 5, 14, 2; 6, 41, 4 ff.; 7, 6, 10.

50 Varro in Aug., CD 6, 9.

51 Scipio: 26, 19, 9; contemplation of heavens: Cic., ND 2, 61 (153); Div. 2, 72 (148–9).

52 Cic., , Leg. 1, 8 (24)Google Scholar; Dio Chr. 12, 39; Varro in Aug., CD 4, 31.

53 e.g. 6, 5, 6; 7, 3, 1–4; 25, 1, 6 ff.; 26, 9, 7–8; 27, 23, 2; 27, 37, 1 ff.; 28, 11, 1; 29, 10, 4; 29, 14, 1–2.

54 1, 31, 7; cf. 1, 20, 6–7; also on Scipio Africanus 26, 19, 9.

55 39, 8 ff. (Bacchanal scandal), cf. G. R. Reitzenstein, Die Hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen (1927), 101 ff.; K. Latte, Römische Religionsgeschichte (1960), 270 ff.

56 In the episode 10, 38 ff. Livy contrasts the Samnites' barbarous abuse of religion (38, 5–13) with the good sense of the Roman who acts on the report of favourable auspices even though the report is proved false (40), and vows a thimbleful of mead (42, 7). See also abuse of religion in mass suicides: 28, 22, 5–11 (Astapa); 31, 17 (Abydos). On Abydos contrast Polybius 16, 31–3, cf. Walbank, F. W., JRS LV (1965), 11Google Scholar.

57 Cic., , ND 2, 28 (72)Google Scholar; Div. 2, 72 (149). On the origin, K. Latte, o.c. 268.

58 Klotz, A., RE XIII, 819Google Scholar. Walsh, Livy 173. Second Preface: 6, 1, 1–3.

59 Analysis: Burck, o.c. n. 8, 109–36; Ogil o.c. n. 7, 626.

60 5, 19, 1–2.

61 5, 31, 6; 32, 6; 36, 8.

62 5, 36. cf. Diod. 14, 113, 3–7. Dion. H. 13, 12.

63 5, 37, 1–3; 38, 1; 38, 5 ff. This detail is not found in other versions.

64 For Greek tradition: Ogilvie, o.c., on 5, 37, 1; cf. also Livy 44, 6, 14; 6, 17 (from Polybius ?); 29, 8, 11; 18, 12–15 (temple of Locri).

65 cf. Cic., Har. Resp. 39. Blindness as gift of fortune: Cic., , Am. 15 (54)Google Scholar.

66 5, 39, 8 ff.; cf. 5, 47, 4 and Plut., , Camillus 27, 3Google Scholar on sacred geese.

67 5, 48, 9.

68 ibid. 49, 5, ‘iam verterat fortuna, iam deorum opes humanaque consilia rem Romanam adiuvabant. igitur primo concursu haud maiore momento fusi Galli sunt quam ad Alliam vicerant’.

69 5, 51, 5–10. But Kajanto, God and Fate 35–7, argues that Livy merely gives Camillus the arguments which a pious Roman of the old times would have used.

70 cf. Plut., , Cam. 31, 3Google Scholar; 32, 1.

71 Walsh, Livy 55. Kajanto, o.c. 52–3, 62–3, 98–100.

72 Praef. 7 (cf. Cic., , Leg. 1, 1–5Google Scholar); Liv. 6, 1, 2 ff.; 7, 6, 6, ‘… fama rerum standum est, ubi certam derogat vetustas fidem’. On the First Decade as ‘prose epic’ cf. McDonald, o.c. n. 7 above, 166–8.

73 References to religion hold attention: Cic., , Inv. 1, 23Google Scholar. cf. Walbank, F. W., Bull. Inst. Cl. St. 1955, 4 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Historia IX (1960), 216–34; Ullman, B. L., TAPA (1942), 25–53.Google Scholar

71 RE v, 2, col. 1855 s.v. Duris (E. Schwartz); P. Oxy. xxiv, n. 2399.

75 Diod. 19, 2, 2 and 19, 29.

76 ibid., 20, 7 and 20, 11.

77 ibid., 20, 14.

78 ibid., 20, 29, 3.

79 ibid., 19, 103, 5; 20, 70.

80 Diod. 23, 15, 1–6; cf. Pol. 1, 35. Walbank, F. W., CQ XXXIX (1945), 1–18Google Scholar.

81 Walbank, F. W., JHS LVII (1938), 55–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

82 Livy, Per. 19. On development of the exemplum: RE II, 2086 ff., s.v. Atilius 51 (P. v. Rhoden).

83 Livy 21, 63, 1 ff.; 22, 3, 7 ff.; Cic., , Div. 1, 35Google Scholar. Walsh, Livy 68.

84 App., Lib. 85, cf. Walsh, Livy 122.

85 Cic., , Div. 1, 44 (100)Google Scholar; Dion. H. 12, 13 (17).

86 Diod. 14, 113; Dion. H. 13, 12 (18–19); cf. Ogilvie, o.c. n. 7, 716.

87 The technique is likely to have fitted well with the theatrical aspect of Roman state religion noted by Polybius 6, 56, 8–11 (cf. Walbank, , CQ XXXIX (1945), 9–10Google Scholar), and exploited by Cicero before the people but not the senate, Cat. 3, 18–23; cf. 2, 13. R. Syme, Sallust (1964), 247.

88 On Livy's use of dramatic technique: Burck, Erzählungskunst 176 ff. On Tarquinius' tragedy: Ogilvie, o.c. n. 7, 186–7, 196–7.

89 I. Bruns, Die Persönlichkeit in der Geschichtsschreibung der Alten (1898), 12–27.

90 Walsh, o.c. n. 4 above.

91 Cic., ND 2, 19 (end); cp. Fowler, Religious Experience 365 ff.

92 Cic., , ND 2, 28 (70–72)Google Scholar.

93 Cic., , Leg. 1, 7 (22)Google Scholar.

94 Cic., , ND 2, 13 (36)Google Scholar.

95 Leaving aside the problem of the depth to which a Roman's outlook might be affected by Greek philosophy. Obviously Lucretius was profoundly affected, but Cicero or Varro very much more superficially, cp. W. Fowler, Roman Ideas of Deity, 81–2.

96 See above, nn. 50–2.

97 As argued by Walsh, Livy 52–3. The relevant passages are 3, 10, 8 (cf. 6, 21, 2); 6, 34, 5; 7, 1, 7; 7, 27, 1; and 10, 6, 3. cf. also 1, 46, 3, the most significant. The relative insignificance of the final clauses is illustrated by 6, 34, 5 where after relating the failure of plebeians to stand for the consular tribunate Livy comments ‘ne id nimis laetum parti alteri esset’ and proceeds to relate the beginning of the Licinian-Sextian agitation. Surely providence was pursuing more profound aims in this matter than to prevent excessive joy over a political triumph.

98 e.g. 6, 21, 2 ‘Volscos … velut sorte quadam prope in aeternum exercendo Romano militi datos’ distinguishes Volsci from more occasional enemies. In 3, 30, 2, Livy's comment on the cessation of civil strife as a result of a hostile raid expresses his belief in the importance of metus hostilis for the preservation of internal peace at Rome. See Kajanto, I., Arctos II (1958), 56–63Google Scholar, esp. 61–2 with ref. to Liv. 2, 54, 2; 3, 9, 1; 1, 19, 4; cf. the debate over the destruction of Carthage: Plut., , Cat. Ma. 27, 3Google Scholar; App., Lib. 69; Diod. 34, 33, 4–6; Sall., Cat. 10. Of all the passages only the statement about the Ligurians (39, 1, 1) is part of a longer development (cf. speech of Manlius, 38, 17). But even this should probably be taken to mean no more than that Livy thought constant effort good for the Romans.

99 Stoic interpretation: Walsh, Livy 53–5; Ogilvie, o.c. n. 7, 48, on 1, 4, 1. A contrary view: Kajanto, God and Fate 53–63. The following argument owes much to Kajanto.

100 e.g. 1, 7, 11; 8, 6, 11; 8, 24, 11; 21, 22, 9; 29, 10, 8. See also below, n. 104.

101 e.g. 8, 24, 4; 10, 28, 12. See also below, n. 105.

102 3, 50. 8; 9, 1, 6; 10, 29, 3; 26, 13, 17; 42, 11, 5; 42, 52, 7.

103 1, 7, 15; 5. 40, 3; 8, 24, 2; 9, 18, 19; 8, 7, 12; but in 9, 33, 3 only the recurring feuds between the tribunes and the Claudii.

104 5, 14, 4 fatalibus libris; 5, 15, 4 proprior interpres fatis oblatus, a man to interpre t a prodigium; 5, 15, 9 excidium patriae fatale, inevitable if the Romans were to drain the Alban lake according to the libri fatales and the disciplina Etrusca; 5, 16, 8 desperata ope humana fata et deos spectabant, fata is the reply from Delphi; 5, 16, 10 ex his quae nunc panduntur fatis—the decree of the gods revealed at Delphi.

105 cp. (a) the impressive phrase fato(-is) urgente (-ibus): 5, 22, 8; 5, 36, 6; 22, 43, 9 (for the same phrase rather than an echo: Virgil, Aen. 2, 635; Lucan, Phar. 10, 30; Tacitus, Germ. 33, 2). (b) closely related: 5, 19, 1 fata adpetebant; 5, 33, 1 adventante fatali … clade; 5, 37, 1 vim suam (fortunae) ingruentem; 5, 32, 7 ingruente fato. (c) where fate is an agent of unavoidable destruction —or the destruction itself: 8, 7, 8; 25, 16, 4 (Gracchus could not avoid fate though forewarned); 26, 29, 9 (Marcellus driven by fate to meet Hannibal and his death). In 1, 42, 4 fati necessitatem in the immediate context refers to Servius' failure to appease the hostility which was to lead to his death—not to the expulsion of the kings and the introduction of libertas (otherwise Walsh, Livy 54).

106 Homer, , Il. 22, 303Google Scholar μοῖρα or 365 κήρ. See also Kajanto, o.c. n. i, 53 on μοῖρα.

107 cf. Walsh, Livy 54. Ogilvie, o.c. n. 7, 671.

108 22, 53, 6.

109 30, 28, 11.

110 5, 19, 1 ‘Veiosque fata adpetebant. igitur fatalis dux ad excidium iliius urbis servandaeque patriae … dictator dictus’. The fata…fatalis effect is, surely, one reason for the choice of the epithet.

111 1, 1,4 ‘sed ad maiora rerum initia ducentibus fatis primo in Macedoniam venisse inde.. ’.

112 cf. Servius on fato profugus in Aen. 1,2, ‘sane non otiose fato profugum dixit Aeneam verum ex disciplina Etruscorum’. On the signs, Dion. H. 1, 55–57.

113 1, 4, 1 ‘sed debebatur, ut opinor, fatis tantae origo urbis’. Other forecasting passages: 1, 7, 10; 1, 16, 7; 1, 55, 5–6.

114 The only case with a definitely Stoic link is 25, 6, 6 ‘fato cuius lege immobilis rerum humanarum ordo seritur’; but this is said by the survivors of Cannae, to evade responsibility—not by Livy. Contrast the much clearer use of fatum in a philosophical sense by Lucan, e.g. 1, 33; 1, 70ft.; 2, 2 ff.; 2, 226. Fortuna is not given a providential role either: see Erkell, H., Augustus, Felicitas, Fortuna (1952), 172–3Google Scholar; Kajanto, o.c. n. 1, 98–100.

115 Walsh, Livy 81.

116 ND 3, 2(5–6). Onthis cf. de Ste Croix, G.E.M., Past and Present 26 (1963), 6–31Google Scholar, esp. 29–31; Weinstock, S., JRS LI (1961), 209–10Google Scholar.

117 Ferguson, J., ‘The religion of Cicero’, in Studies in Cicero, Rome 1962, 83–96Google Scholar; F. Cumont, After-life in Roman Paganism (1922), 31–3; K. Latte, Religionsgeschichte 285–6.

118 Notably in Div. 2.

119 Cicero and public religion: II Verr. 1, 46; Font. 46; Har. Resp. 18 ff.; ad Att. 1, 18, 3. The ideal state: Leg. 2, 10 (23). Ius divinum: Leg. 2, 18–22.

120 Sallust was not a religious author, Cat. 30, 2; Iug. 90, 1. Yet deos neglegere is a symptom of decline, Cat. 12, 3; 10, 4 (on which passages see Syme, R., Sallust, 1964, 247)Google Scholar. cf. also Varro's attitude in Aug., , CD 4, 31Google Scholar.

121 K. Latte, o.c. 309 ff.

122 Tert., , Ap. 10, 3 ff.Google Scholar; 13, 1 ff.; 25, 1 ff.

123 Fel., Min., Oct. 6, 1Google Scholar ‘cum igitur aut fortuna certa aut incerta natura sit, quanto venerabilius ac melius antistitem veritatis maiorum excipere disciplinam, religiones traditas colere…’ In his case this includes the religious examples of Roman history, ibid. 7. cf. Lieberg, G., RhM CVI (1963), 62–79Google Scholar.

124 Symmachus, Rel. 3, 8 ‘nam cum ratio omnis in operto sit unde rectius quam de memoria atque documenti s rerum secundarum cognitio venit numinum ? lam si longa aetas auctoritatem religionibus faciat, servanda est tot saeculis fides et sequendi sunt nobis parentes, qui secuti sunt feliciter suos’.

125 praef. 10 ‘… inde… quod imitere capias.…’

126 ibid. 4 ‘… ut iam magnitudine laboret sua, … ad haec nova, quibus iampridem praevalentis popul i vires se ipsae conficiunt’. ibid. 5 ‘… ut me a conspectu maiorum quae nostra tot per annos vidit aetas … avertam’. ibid. 9 ‘…donec ad haec tempora quibus nec vitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus, perventum est’. ibid. 11 ‘….nec in quam civitatem tarn serae avaritia luxuriaque immigraverint’. On this cf. Kajanto, , Arctos 11 (1958), 55–63Google Scholar.

127 As at 3, 20, 5; 4, 6, 12; 7, 2, 13; 7, 25, 9; note also 10, 40, 10 ‘iuvenis ante doctrinam deos spernentem natus’. (This last is in a far from philosophical context: an exemplum to show that a magistrate is justified in acting on the report of favourable auspices even when the report is false, cf. Latte, o.c. 201–2. This is a moral which Livy cannot have taken quite seriously, and this reflects on every element of the narrative. A different view: Walsh, Livy 51.) Again cf. 43, 13, 1 ‘non sum nescius ab eadem neglegentia qua nihil deos portendere vulgo nunc credant…’ It has been noted that here Livy's pessimism exaggerates, cf. Latte, o.c. 289.

128 8, 11, 1 ‘haec etsi omnis divini humanique moris memoria abolevit nova peregrinaque omnia priscis ac patriis praeferendo, haud ab re duxi verbis quoque ipsis, ut tradita nuncupataque sunt, referre.’

129 e.g. 1, 21, 4 (fides); 1, 24, 4–9; 1, 32, 5–14 (fetial procedure).

130 See Walsh, Livy 10–19, also in T. A. Dorey (editor), Latin Historians 118–20; also Mette, H. J., Gymn. LXVIII (1961), 269–85Google Scholar and Hoffmann, W., Ant. u. Abld. IV (1954), 170–86Google Scholar.

131 Tac., , Ann. 4, 34Google Scholar. cf. his influence on the young Claudius: Suet., , Claud. 41, 1Google Scholar.

132 Syme, R., HSPh LXIV (1959), 27–87Google Scholar.

133 1, 19, 3 (one of the remarkably few and widely separated compliments to Augustus. Others: 4, 20, 7; 28, 12, 12; Per. 59).

134 cf. the numerous unfriendly references to tribunes.

135 See the extraordinary puritanism of 30,14, 5; cf. also 10, 23, 1–10; the account of Lucretia, 1, 57ff.; of Verginia, 3, 44–9; also 38, 24, on the wife of Orgiago.

136 Syme, o.c. n. 132 above, 55–6, including the fetial ceremony. Latte, o.c. 294 ff.

137 See Fraccaro, P., Opuscula 1 (1956), 81–102Google Scholar. Size of empire: praef. 4.

138 4, 4, 4 (Canuleius)—cf. Syme, o.c. n. 132, 74—and 10, 8, 9–12 (Decius Mus).

139 2, 1, 1—2, 5, 10; 2, 15, 3; 4, 15, 3; 6, 19, 6–7; 34, 49; 45, 17; 37, 54. The point, often a very sharp one, is directed against regnum, which Augustus had been careful to avoid. But libertas had been the slogan of Brutus and Cassius. The relevance to Augustus could hardly be missed. Livy only qualifies his opposition to regnum by allowing it the task of training a people for liberty. 2, 1, 3–7 might justify a position like Augustus' for a limited period. 1, 49, 3–7 suggests what actions would make even such a position a tyranny.

140 9, 17, 5 ff.; 18, 8 ff. (Alexander excursus). The point is also implicit in the strict annalistic form.

141 Tac., , Ann. 4, 34, 3Google Scholar. Sen., , QN 5, 184Google Scholar.

142 In fact I know no passage suggesting the possibility of regeneration to balance the pessimism of passages cited in nn. 130–1 above, and some others in Fraccaro's paper (cited n. 137 above).

143 No book dealing with Augustus' Principate seems to have been published in Augustus' lifetime. Strangely enough the last published book dealt with the proscriptions, cf. Syme, o.c. n. 132, 39, on superscription of Per. CXXI. Petersen, H., TAPA XLII (1961), 440–52Google Scholar, suggests that Liv. 1, 49, 1–7 on Tarquinius Superbus' relations with the Senate is an allusion to Augustus and hence advice and warning to the princeps.