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Mapping (in) the Ancient World

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 March 2012

Kai Brodersen
Kai Brodersen*
Affiliation:
Universität Mannheim
*
[email protected]
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Abstract

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Type
Review Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 94 , November 2004 , pp. 183 - 190
Copyright
Copyright ©Kai Brodersen 2004. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 cf. Yee, C. D. K., ‘Reinterpreting traditional Chinese geographical maps’ and ‘Chinese maps in political culture’, in Harley, J. B. and Woodward, D., The History of Cartography II 2: Cartography in the Traditional East and South-East Asian Societies (1994), 35–95Google Scholar; cf. Brodersen, K., Terra Cognita: Studien zur römischen Raumerfassung, Spudsmata 59 (1995, 2nd edn 2003), 139–40Google Scholar.

2 E. Weber, review of Brodersen, Terra Cognita (1995), Tyche 6 (1996), 265–7,Google Scholar at 266.

3 Sherk, R. K., ‘Roman geographical exploration and military maps’, in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.1 (1974), 534–62,Google Scholar at 559.

4 Dilke, O. A. W., Greek and Roman Maps (1985), 120Google Scholar.

5 Reinhold, M., Marcus Agrippa (1933), 148Google Scholar.

6 Dilke, O. A. W., ‘Maps in the service of the state: Roman cartography to the end of the Augustan era’, in Harley, J. B. and Woodward, D., The History of Cartography I: Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean (1987), 201–11, at 207.Google Scholar

7 O. A. W. Dilke, ‘Itineraries and geographical maps in the early and late Roman Empire’, in Harley and Woodward, op. cit. (n. 6), 234–75, at 244.

8 P. D. A. Harvey, ‘Local and regional cartography in medieval Europe’, in Harley and Woodward, op. cit. (n. 6), 464–501, at 466.

9 Syme, R., CAH 10 (1934), 353,Google Scholar ‘and elsewhere’ (thus idem, History in Ovid (1978), 52 n. 5).

10 W. Goffart, Historical Atlases: The First Three Hundred Years, 1570–1870 (2003), concentrating on medieval history in the atlases. For later work on the ancient world, cf. Talbert, R. J. A., ‘Mapping the classical world: major atlases and map series 1872–1990’, JRA 5 (1992), 5–38Google Scholar.

11 Smith, W. and Grove, G. (eds), An Atlas of Ancient Geography, Biblical and Classical, to Illustrate the Dictionary of the Bible and the Classical Dictionaries. Maps drawn by Dr Charles Müller, editor of ‘Strabo’ and the ‘Minor Greek Geographers’ (1874)Google Scholar.

12 Talbert, R. J. A., review of Dilke, Maps (1985)Google Scholar, JRS 77 (1987), 210–12Google Scholar.

13 cf. Aristophanes, Clouds 200ff. or Herodotus 5.49 with Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 1), 71– 2 and 78–9.

14 cf. Brodersen, K., ‘Antike Weltbilder im Widerspruch zwischen Theorie und Praxis’, in Gebhard, H. and Kiesel, H. (eds), Weltbilder, Heidelberger Jahrbücher 47 (2004), 111–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar (with bibliography).

15 cf. Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 1), 78–81 and (on Vegetius, De re militari 3.6), 188.

16 The evidence for all these opposing opinions is collected in Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 1), 269–70.

17 cf. Th. Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht (3rd edn, 1887), 1047 n. 1.

18 R. MacMullen, Roman Government's Response to Crisis (1976), 53.

19 P. Janni, La mappa e il periplo (1984); Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 1); Hänger, Ch., Die Welt im Kopf, Hypomnemata 136 (2001)Google Scholar.

20 F. Isik et al., Miliarium Lyciae: Patara Yol Kilavuz Aniti (Lykia 4 for 1998/99, publ. 2001); cf. SEG XLIV.1205 and now the ‘local counterpoint’ in a monument published by Th. Marksteiner and Wörrle, M., ‘Ein Altar für Kaiser Claudius’, Chiron 32 (2003), 545–69Google Scholar.

21 M. D. Reeve, ‘Agrimensores’, in L. D. Reynolds (ed.), Texts and Transmission (1983), 1–6, at 1. See now the magisterial study by M. J. T. Lewis, Surveying Instruments of Greece and Rome (2001).

22 cf. Hyginus Gromaticus, Constitutio limitum p. 201 Lachmann = p. 164 Thulin: ‘DD XXXV VK XLVII L. Terentio L. filio Pol(lia) iugera LXVIcz, C. Numisio CF. Ste(llatina) iugera LXVIcz, P. Tarquinio Cn. F. Ter(entina) iugera LXVIcz’ (‘Of the century 35 right of the Decumanus and 47 beyond the Kardo, to Lucius Terentius son of Lucius of the tribus Pollia 66⅔ iugera, to Gaius Numisius Son of Gaius of the Tribus Stellatina 66⅔ iugera and to Publius Tarquinius Son of Gnaeus of the Tribus Terentina 66⅔ iugera’).

23 R. Garcia Rozas and J. A. Abasolo, ‘Bronces romanos de Museo de Zamora’, in Bronces y religión romana (1993), 171–96, at 179–81 (AE 1993, 1035b); cf. Rodríguez-Almeida, op. cit. (under review), 5ff. with fig. 2 and tav. 1.

24 cf. Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 1), 221–4.

25 See http://formaurbis.stanford.edu.

26 Rodríguez-Almeida, op. cit. (under review) — a note on p. 2 states that the text dates from 1997; why it remained unpublished until December 2002 is not explained.

27 For these plans, cf. H. von Hesberg, ‘Römische Grundrißpläne auf Marmor’, in Bauplanung und Bautheorie der Antike (1984), 120–33; J. P. Heisel, Antike Bauzeichnungen (1993), and Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 1), 225–32 (oddly, none of these publications is referred to by Rodríguez-Almeida).

28 cf. La Rocca, E., ‘L'affresco con veduto di città dal colle Oppio’, in Fentress, E. (ed.), Romanization and the City, JRA Suppl. 38 (2000), 57–71Google Scholar and figs 1–5, promising a full publication; Brodersen, K., ‘Neue Entdeckungen zu antiken Karten’, Gymnasium 108 (2001), 137–48,Google Scholar at 138–40.

29 Horsfall, N., ‘Illusion and reality in Latin topographical writing’, Greece & Rome N.S. 32 (1985), 197–208,CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 206.

30 Haselberger, op. cit. (under review), 10, referring to Richardson, L. jr., A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (1992)Google Scholar, and Steinby, E. M., Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae (6 vols, 1993–2000)Google Scholar.

31 The idea for the project was ‘spawned’ (11) by the monograph of Favro, D., The Urban Image of Augustan Rome (1996)Google Scholar; cf. now her review in American Journal of Archaeology 108 (2004), 130–2Google Scholar.

32 Bejaoui, F., ‘Iles et villes de la Méditerranée sur une mosaïque d'Ammaedara’, CRAI 1997 (1999), 827–60Google Scholar; cf. Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 28), 141–5.

33 cf., e.g., Korenjak, M. (ed.), Die Welt-Rundreise eines anonymen griechischen Autors (Ps.-Skymnos), Bibliotheca Weidmanniana 8 (2003)Google Scholar.

34 cf., e.g., Adams, C. and Laurence, R. (eds), Travel and Geography in the Roman World (2001)Google Scholar; Talbert, R. J. A. and Brodersen, K. (eds), Space in the Roman World: Its Perception and Presentation, Antike Kultur und Geschichte 5 (2004)Google Scholar.

35 cf. Gallazzi, C. and Kramer, B., ‘Artemidor im Zeichensaal’, APF 44 (1998), 189–208;Google Scholar Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 28), 144–7.

36 cf. Brodersen, K. ‘Die Tabula Peutingeriana: Gehalt und Gestalt einer “alten Karte” und ihrer antiken Vorlage’, in Unverhau, D. (ed.), Geschichtsdeutung auf alten Karten: Archäologie und Geschichte, Wolfenbütteler Forschungen 101 (2003), 289–97Google Scholar.

37 Bagnall, R. S. (ed.), Research Tools for the Classics (1980), 27.Google Scholar

38 See http://www.unc.edu/awmc.

39 Only Rome, Athens, and Constantinople are given more detailed (1:150,000) treatment, and the atlas starts with five 1:5,000,000 survey maps of the oikoumene. Even if the technical reasons given are under standable, it is slightly annoying that the contours of the ‘standard scale’ maps are given in feet, while the three more detailed maps use metric contours.

40 A. Stückelberger, ‘Ptolemy and the problem of scientific perception of space’, in Talbert and Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 34), 27–40.

41 R. J. A. Talbert, ‘Cartography and taste in Peutinger's Roman map’, in Talbert and Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 34), 113–41.

42 cf., in due course, http://www.der-neue-pauly.de.