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Leo's Liturgical Topography: Contestations for Space in Fifth-Century Rome*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 April 2013

Michele Renee Salzman
Michele Renee Salzman*
Affiliation:
University of California, Riverside
*
[email protected]
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Abstract

This paper examines the Sermons of Leo the Great (a.d. 440–461) for their liturgical topography. Leo developed an annual cycle of set places on set days — the very definition of stational liturgy — in Rome as one means to assert papal authority over the city's Christian communities and especially over the resident Roman senatorial aristocracy. Leo's Sermons indicate that the bishop found new ways to centralize the liturgy at St Peter's in the Vatican, making St Peter's — not St John the Lateran — the religious centre and the symbol of the papacy.

Keywords

RomePope Leo ItopographyliturgySt Peter's Vatican Churchtituli/titular churches
Type
Articles
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 103 , November 2013 , pp. 208 - 232
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s) 2013. Published by The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies 

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Footnotes

*

This paper was originally presented as the Key Note address at ‘The Moving City’, a conference at the Norwegian Institute and Swedish Academy in Rome in May 2011. I am grateful for the invitation and for the lively responses of the audience there. I owe thanks to the Editor and to the anonymous reviewers of JRS for valuable and salutary comments. And I appreciate the helpful responses of colleagues who have read versions of this paper, including especially Judson Emerick, Rosamond McKitterick, Karen Torjesen, Paolo Liverani, and colleagues and students at University of California at Riverside.

References

1 Jerome, Ep. 107.1: ‘Movetur urbs sedibus suis.’

2 Miller, M., The Bishop's Palace. Architecture and Authority in Medieval Italy (2000), 258Google Scholar.

3 Baldovin, J., S.J., The Urban Character of Christian Worship. The Origins, Development, and Meaning of Stational Liturgy (1987), 146–8Google Scholar; Dey, H., The Aurelian Wall and the Refashioning of Imperial Rome, AD 271–855 (2011), 225–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and see nn. 8–9 below.

4 For the titular churches in late fifth-century Rome, see especially Bowes, K., Private Worship, Public Values, and Religious Change in Late Antiquity (2008), 65Google Scholar; Green, B., The Soteriology of Leo the Great (2008), 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Guidobaldi, F., ‘L'organizzazione dei tituli nello spazio urbano’, in Ermini, L. Pani (ed.), Christiana loca. Lo spazio cristiano nella Roma del primo millennio (Catalogo della mostra, Roma – 5 settembre–15 novembre 2000) (2000), I, 123–9Google Scholar; Krautheimer, R., Three Christian Capitals: Topography and Politics (1983), 16–40, 96–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hillner, J., ‘Families, patronage and the titular churches of Rome’, in Cooper, K. and Hillner, J. (eds), Religion, Dynasty, and Patronage in Early Christian Rome, 300–900 (2007), 225–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar, whose demonstration that some bishops also founded tituli does not negate the fact that the majority of titular churches derive from lay aristocratic benefactors.

5 For the Liber Pontificalis, see Duchesne, L., Le Liber Pontificalis. Texte, introduction et commentaire (2 vols, 1886–92)Google Scholar, hereafter cited as LP. All translations are by Davis, R., The Book of the Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis): The Ancient Biographies of the First Ninety Roman Bishops to AD 715 (rev. edn, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with modifications by author as noted. For an important discussion of the contemporary importance of the Liber Pontificalis, see McKitterick, R., Perceptions of the Past in the Early Middle Ages (2006), 46–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Innocent, Letter 1.5 (PL 20: 553–61); for a critical edition with French translation and commentary, see R. Cabié, La Lettre du pape Innocent Ier à Décentius de Gubbio, 19 mars 416 (1973), 26–8. For more discussion of this rite, see Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 123; Bowes, op. cit. (n. 4), 71.

7 For Innocent's Letter, see n. 6. See too Pietri, C., Roma christiana. Recherches sur l'Église de Rome; son organisation, sa politique, son idéologie de Militiade à Sixte III (311–440) (1976), 92Google Scholar; LP 1, p. 216; Saxer, V., ‘L'utilisation par la liturgie de l'espace urbain et surburbain: l'exemple de Rome dans l'Antiquité et le haut Moyen Âge’, in Duval, N., Baritel, F. and Pergola, P. (eds), Actes du XIe Congrès international d'archéologie chrétienne: Lyons, Vienne, Grenoble, Genéve et Aoste (21–28 septembre 1986), CEFR 123, Studi di antichità cristiana 42 (3 vols, 1989), II, 928Google Scholar.

8 Chavasse, A., Textes liturgiques de l'Église de Rome: le cycle liturgique romaine annuel selon le Sacramentaire du Vaticanus Reginensis 316 (1997), 9–11Google Scholar. Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 146–8; Saxer, op. cit. (n. 7), II, 937.

9 Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 147 cites LP I, p. 244: ‘In urbe vero Roma constituit ministeria qui circuirent constitutas stationes …’. Davis, op. cit. (n. 5), p. 42.’ The Liber Pontificalis notes that the vessels were kept safely at the Constantinian basilica (St John Lateran) and at St Mary Major.

10 For the two recensions, see Duchesne, L., Le Liber Pontificalis (1886–92)Google Scholar. On the Liber Pontificalis as an unreliable source for events before the sixth century, see K. Blair-Dixon, ‘Memory and authority in sixth-century Rome: the Liber Pontificalis and the Collectio Avellana’, in Cooper and Hillner, op. cit. (n. 4), 59–77; and Noble, T. F. X., ‘Paradoxes and possibilities in the sources for Roman society in the early Middle Ages’, in Smith, J. M. H. (ed.), Early Medieval Rome and the Christian West: Essays in Honour of Donald A. Bullough, The Medieval Mediterranean 28 (2000), 55–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Chavasse, A., Sancti Leonis Magni Romani Pontificis Tractatus septem et nonaginta (1973)Google Scholar. CCSL 138 and 138a. All citations of Leo's sermons in Latin are from the text published by Chavasse.

12 For criticism of Christian teleological narratives that see an easy transition from imperial to papal Rome, see especially F. Marazzi, ‘Rome in transition: economic and political change in the fourth and fifth centuries’, in Smith, op. cit. (n. 11), 21–41.

13 Green, op. cit. (n. 4), 96.

14 Green, op. cit. (n. 4), 98 notes this as a possibility but does not pursue it. He cites as his source N. W. James, Pope Leo the Great, the City of Rome and the Western Churches, unpub. DPhil thesis, Oxford University (1984), 73–6. I have not been able to consult this thesis.

15 Markus, R. A., The End of Ancient Christianity (1990), 125–35Google Scholar; Green, op. cit. (n. 4), 61–93.

16 Green, op. cit. (n. 4), 248. For Peter as central especially for Leo's theology, see too Wessel, S., Leo the Great and the Spiritual Rebuilding of a Universal Rome (2008), 285–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 See Green, op. cit. (n. 4), 3–4, after discussing the seating capacity of churches in Rome and the widespread low attendance, he remarks that weekly attendance was not yet possible. This conclusion about Rome's seating capacity is also reached by MacMullen, R., The Second Church. Popular Christianity A.D. 200–400 (2009), 81–9Google Scholar. Masses might be held on a weekly basis in the urban tituli, but that does not mean weekly attendance. On weekly services, see too Saxer, op. cit. (n. 7), 928ff.

18 See Pietri, op. cit. (n. 7), 575–95; Krautheimer, op. cit. (n. 4), 112–16; Bauer, F. Alto, ‘Saint Peter's as a place of collective memory in Late Antiquity’, in Behwald, R. and Witschel, C. (eds), Rom in der Spätantike. Historische Erinnerung im städtischen Raum (2012), 155–70Google Scholar; and de Blaauw, S., Cultus et decor. Liturgie e architettura nella Roma tardoantica e medievale (1994), 496–511Google Scholar, who identitfies the ‘sleepless priest’ performing rites at St Peter's on the Feast of Sts Peter and Paul with the bishop of Rome, as described by Paulinus, Perist. 12, verses 61–4. Though de Blaauw sees the cathedra Petri as part of liturgy at St Peter's, the earliest secure reference to its celebration is under Leo; see n. 25 below.

19 Krautheimer, op. cit. (n. 4), 112–16 acknowledges the competition between St John Lateran and St Peter's, but sees St John Lateran as the seat of the papacy, based largely on physical changes to the area. However, the archaeological evidence to support this view, like the bishop's palace, does not exist for the early fifth century; for discussion of the material and textual evidence that makes the argument for the Lateran as the centre of papal administration, see Liverani, P., ‘L'area lateranenese in età tardoantica e le origini del Patriarchio’, MEFRA 116 (2004), 17–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See too Thacker, A., ‘Rome of the martyrs. Saints, cults and relics, fourth to seventh centuries’, in Carragáin, É. Ó. and de Vegvar, C. Neuman (eds), Roma Felix – Formation and Reflections of Medieval Rome (2007), 43Google Scholar, who sees St John Lateran as being ‘at the center of papal attention’ and the Vatican as emerging to rival the Lateran in liturgy and cult only under Pope Symmachus (a.d. 498–514).

20 For criticism of drunken feasting at St Peter's, see Augustine, Letter 29.9–10 (CSEL 30.1), 119–20 (‘remotus … ab episcopi conversatione’). For the failure of papal control there, see Thacker, op. cit. (n. 19), 43. For a description of one of the aristocratic funerals in St Peter's, that of Pammachius' wife, see Paulinus of Nola, Epistulae 13.11 (CSEL 29), pp. 92–5. For aristocratic charity to the poor, see Amm. Marc. 27.3.6; Bauer, op. cit. (n. 18), 156–9; and Liverani, P., ‘Saint Peter's and the City of Rome between Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages’, in McKitterick, R., Osborne, J., Richardson, C. M. and Story, J. (eds), Old Saint Peter's, Rome (forthcoming 2013)Google Scholar. For fifth-century aristocratic builders at St Peter's, see Gallus 3, PLRE 2.492, and Marianus 3, PLRE 2.724, and ILCV 1758, 1759.

21 For the return of Valentinian III to Rome, see Gillett, A., ‘Rome, Ravenna and the last western emperors’, PBSR 69 (2001), 131–67Google Scholar. For the revival of Rome's aristocracy after a.d. 410, though with signs of pressure, see n. 22 below and Wickham, C., Framing the Middle Ages. Europe and the Mediterranean 400–800 (2005), 204–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 See Barnish, S., ‘Transformation and survival in the western senatorial aristocracy, c. AD 400–700’, PBSR 54 (1986), 120Google Scholar; and Humphries, M., ‘Valentinian III and the City of Rome (425–455): patronage, politics, power’, in Grig, L. and Kelly, G. (eds), Two Romes. Rome and Constantinople in Late Antiquity (2012), 170–9Google Scholar.

23 M. Humphries, ‘From emperor to pope? Constantine to Gregory’, in Cooper and Hillner, op. cit. (n. 4), 43, notes, for example, that at Leo's urging, the emperor and his mother Galla Placidia renovated a chapel at St Croce in Jerusalem while his wife funded the church later known as St Peter in Chains. See Humphries, op. cit. (n. 22), 161–82.

24 For the imperial attack on the Manichees, see CFML 1:51; 445. For the emperor's excommunication of Hilary as a sign of co-operation, though at the behest of a papal envoy, see Humphries, op. cit. (n. 22), 168–70, and Leo, Ep. 11: PL 54: 636–40.

25 Gillett, op. cit. (n. 21), 147 for the chronology. This is likely the cathedra Petri, for Valentinian III describes the holiday as the ‘day of the apostle’; see Valentinian's letter in Leo, Ep. 55: PL 54: 858–9: ‘sequenti die ad basilicam apostoli Petri processi, et illic post venerabilem noctem diei apostoli …’

26 We are far better informed about early sixth-century conflicts; see, for example, Llewellyn, P. A. B., ‘The Roman Church during the Laurentian Schism: priests and senators’, Church History 45.4 (1976), 417–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘The Roman clergy during the Laurentian Schism (498–506). A preliminary analysis’, Ancient Society 8 (1977), 245–75Google Scholar; and Sessa, K., The Formation of Papal Authority in Late Antique Italy. Roman Bishops and the Domestic Sphere (2012), 208–46Google Scholar.

27 See, for one, Talley, T., The Origins of the Liturgical Year (2nd edn, 1991)Google Scholar. For a good discussion of the liturgical seasons, Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 153–8. Ascension is not atttested at Rome before Leo; Pietri, op. cit. (n. 7), 593.

28 Pietri, op. cit. (n. 7), 575–95 especially. Pietri uses Leo's Sermons to talk about the papal liturgy before the mid-fifth century, obscuring the development over time of the stational liturgy. For Sunday papal worship, see the letter of Innocent I, cited n. 6 above.

29 For the papal stational service at St Peter's likely from the mid-fourth century, see Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 110; and de Blaauw, op. cit. (n. 18), 496–511. Pietri, op. cit. (n. 7), 64, argues that St Peter's was not ready for liturgical use until after a.d. 354 since the Codex-Calendar of 354 notes the celebration for Peter on the Feast of Sts Peter and Paul as being ‘at the catacombs’. For early fifth-century priestly services at St Peter's, see n. 18 above. For Christmas at St Peter's by the time of Leo, see nn. 46 and 47 below.

30 See nn. 7 and 9 above, and Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 110–25.

31 For the Saint's Days celebrated in Rome in the fourth century, see the lists of Depositions of Martyrs and Bishops in the Codex-Calendar of 354 discusssed by Salzman, M. R., On Roman Time: The Codex-Calendar of 354 and the Rhythms of Urban Life in Late Antiquity (1990), 42–50Google Scholar; Pietri, op. cit. (n. 7), 603–28. For more on the physical places for this worship, see Krautheimer, op. cit. (n. 4), 113.

32 Chavasse, op. cit. (n. 11), 138A, pp. 523–4 and CXCI–CXCII. See too Montanari, E., ‘Nota sulla storia del testo dei sermoni’, in Naldini, M. (ed.), I Sermoni di Leone Magno fra storia e teologia (3 vols, 1997–), I, 171–214Google Scholar.

33 Sermon 98, ed. Dolle, R., Sermons de Leon le Grand (4 vols, 1961–2003), (1973): 294–300 [SC 200]Google Scholar.

34 Pietri, op. cit. (n. 7), I, 582.

35 Green, op. cit. (n. 4), 98.

36 Green, op. cit. (n. 4), 97.

37 Celestine, Ep. 21.2; see also Pietri, op. cit. (n. 7), I, 582. For the fragment of Celestine preserved by Arnobius the Younger, see his Conflictus cum Serapione 2, 13 (PL 50, 457).

38 For the early Christian usages of statio, Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 143–7; Saxer, op. cit. (n. 7), 938; and G. G. Willis, Further Essays in Early Roman Liturgy (1968), 9.

39 Willis, G. G., Essays in Early Roman Liturgy (1964), 78–84Google Scholar, citing Gelasius, Epistle 15.3 in Ep. Rom. Pontif. I. ed. Thiel (1867; 2nd edn 1974), p. 380.

40 Chavasse, op. cit. (n. 11), pp. 523–4 and CXCI–CXCII. See too Montanari, op. cit. (n. 32), 171–214.

41 Neil, B., Leo the Great (2009), 39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Leo, Sermon 1: ‘Vestri quoque favoris arbitrium debita gratiarum actione concelebro …’

43 Wirbelauer, E., ‘Bischofswahlen in Rom (3–6. Jh.): Bedingungen-Akteure- Verfahren’, in Leemans, J., van Nuffelen, P., Keough, S. W. J. and Nicolaye, C. (eds), Episcopal Elections in Late Antiquity (2011), 293–304CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 Leo, Sermon 5.2: ‘dum ad beati apostoli Petri sedem ex toto orbe concurritur …’

45 See Wessel, op. cit. (n. 16), 286–90; on the relationship between Peter, Christ and the pope, of note is Ullmann, W., ‘Leo I and the theme of papal primacy’, JTS 11 (1960), 25–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46 Ambrose attests to consecrated virgins in St Peter's on Christmas; see Ambrose, De virginibus 3.1.15.

47 Leo, Sermon 27.4: ‘Quod nunnulli etiam christiani adeo se religiose facere putant, ut priusquam ad beati Petri apostoli basilicam, quae uni deo vivo et vero est dedicata, perveniant, superatis gradibus quibus ad suggestum areae superioris ascenditur, converso corpore ad nascentem se solem reflectant, et curvatis cervicibus in honorem se splendidi orbis inclinent. Quod fieri partim ignorantiae vitio, partim paganitatis spiritu, multum tabescimus et dolemus …’ Translation by Neil, op. cit. (n. 41), 65–6.

48 LP 1, p. 141. Translation by Davis, op. cit. (n. 5), 7.

49 Leo, Sermon 89.2: ‘Quamvis autem unicuique nostrum liberum sit voluntariis castigationibus proprium corpus adficere, et nunc moderatius, nunc districtius repugnantes spiritui carnales concupiscentias edomare, quibus tamen diebus ab omnibus oportet pariter celebrari generale ieiunium, et tunc est efficacior sacratiorque devotio, quando in operibus pietatis totius Ecclesiae unus animus et unus est sensus.’ Translation by J. P. Freeland and A. J. Conway, St. Leo the Great, Sermons (1993), FOTC 93, p. 376.

50 Leo, Sermon 88.5: ‘Quarta igitur et sexta feria ieiunemus, sabbato vero apud beatissimum Petrum apostolum partier vigilias celebremus, cuius meritis et orationibus confidimus nobis per omnia misericordiam Dei nostri esse praestandam. Per Christum Dominum nostrum.’ Translation by Freeland and Conway, op. cit. (n. 49), p. 375; italics by author. Leo remarks this location some seventeen times; see Leo, Sermons 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 75, 76, 78, 81, 86, 88, 89, 90, 92, 94. Leo's Sermons for Pentecost are 75–81.

51 Leo, Sermon 89.1: ‘Habeant illi nudipedalia sua, et in tristitia vultuum ostentent otiose ieiunia, nos in nullo ab habitus nostri honestatem dissimiles, nec a iustis et necessariis operibus abstinentes, edendi licentiam simplici parcitate cohibemus, ut in usu ciborum modus eligatur, non creatura damnetur.’ Translation by Freeland and Conway, op. cit. (n. 49), p. 376.

52 Ezra, D. Stökl Ben, ‘Whose fast is it?’, in Becker, A. H. and Reed, A. Yoshiko (eds), The Ways that Never Parted. Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (2003), 259–82Google Scholar, claims that this passage reflects contemporary Jewish practice, citing by way of evidence John Chrysostom's Discourses against the Judaizing Christians (1979), FOTC 68, p. 16: ‘Do you fast with the Jews? Then take off your shoes with the Jews, and walk barefoot in the marketplace …’ But the stereotype reflects Roman attitudes; see Lauras, A., ‘S. Leon et les Juifs’, Studia Patristica 17.1 (1982), 55–61Google Scholar.

53 See Leo, Sermons 92.1 and 90.1.

54 Leo, Sermon 82.1: ‘… ut gens sancta, populus electus, civitas sacerdotalis et regia, per sacram beati Petri sedem caput totius orbis effecta, latius praesideres religione divina quam dominatione terrena.’

55 Chavasse, op. cit. (n. 11), p. 507 on Sermon 83, notes three branches of revision, with Leo including some sections that he had also used in his Sermon 4 on the anniversary of his ascension, a sermon that he also may have preached at St Peter's as I proposed above.

56 Prudentius, Perist. 12, verses 61–4. See Salzman, op. cit. (n. 31), 46 for the Martyrologium. For the disappearance of the site ‘at the catacombs’ (‘ad catacumbas’), see Thacker, op. cit. (n. 19), 43 n. 161, citing the texts from Valentini, R. and Zucchetti, G. (eds), Codice topografico della città di Roma 2 (1942)Google Scholar, 62, 85, 111.

57 Pietri, op. cit. (n. 7), I, 366–80, for the Apostolic cult.

58 Leo, Sermo 84.2: ‘Ad emendationem nostra mutamur lenitate parcentis, ut beatus Petrus et omnes sancti qui nobis in multis tribulationibus adfuerunt …’

59 See Orosius 7.39 on St Peter's and St Paul Outside the Walls as safe refuges.

60 Arnobius the Younger, Praedestinatus 82, PL 53, 615 B: ‘Quo lecto in media Romana id est ecclesia Lateranensi … in ipso initio Quadragesimae, sancto Anastasio episcopo antistite.’

61 Ennodius, Libellus pro synodo, 328 and de Blaauw, op. cit. (n. 18), 509. For Leo's involvement at St Mary Major, see Miles, M. R., ‘Santa Maria Maggiore's fifth-century mosaics: triumphal Christianity and the Jews’, HTR 86.2 (1993), 155–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Krautheimer, R., Rome: Profile of a City, 312–1308, With a new foreword by Marvin Trachtenberg (2000), 51Google Scholar suggests that Leo's intent in overseeing the mosaic programme at St Mary Major was to instruct the faithful, and this too lies behind his frescoes on the nave walls of St Peter's and St Paul Outside the Walls; see n. 63 below.

62 LP 1, p. 239: ‘Hic renovavit basilicam beati Petri apostoli [et cameram] et beati Pauli post ignem divinum renovavit.’ The porticoes to St Peter's are first mentioned by Procopius, BG 1.22.21, but may date earlier, even to the fourth century according to Dey, op. cit. (n. 3), 222 n. 57.

63 Krautheimer, op. cit. (n. 61), 51 on the decoration of the the nave walls of St Peter's and St Paul Outside the Walls. For their attribution to Leo, see Viscontini, M. in Andaloro, M., L'orrizonte tardo antico e le nuove immagini, 312–488 (=La pittura medievale a Roma, 312–1431. Corpus e atlante I) (2006), 411–15Google Scholar. For the inscription, see ICUR 2.4124: ‘Qui ecclesiam Petri sacrasti nomine cuique/ Agnos mandasti pascere Christe tuos/ Eiusdem precibus conserva haec atria semper/ Praesidio ut maneant inviolata tuo.’ For discussion of the inscription, see Liverani, P., ‘Saint Peter's, Leo the Great and the leprosy of Constantine’, PBSR 76 (2008), 155–72Google Scholar. The translation here is by P. Liverani, with slight modifications.

64 Leo, Sermon 83.2–3: ‘… eadem qua praesedit carne requiescit! Cum itaque, dilectissimi, tantum nobis videamus praesidium divinitus institutum, rationabiliter et iuste in ducis nostri meritis et divinitate laetamur.’

65 LP 1, p. 239; cf. Gillett, op. cit. (n. 21), 145.

66 Borgolte, M., Petrusnachfolge und Kaiserimitation. Die Grablegen der Päpste, ihre Genese und Traditionsbildung (1989), 75–93Google Scholar.

67 For aristocratic burials and funerary banquets in St Peter's in the fourth century and for the Imperial mausoleum, later known as St Petronilla, see Krautheimer, op. cit. (n. 4), 116 and n. 19; and nn. 18 and 20 above. For more on the a.d. 450 burial, see Humphries, op. cit. (n. 22), 170.

68 H. Brandenburg, Ancient Churches of Rome (2005 English edn of 2004 Italian edn), 190–1.

69 ibid., 190–1.

70 Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 128. It is worth noting this same conjunction can be seen at this church today because in a post-late antique period a sarcophagus depicting the martyrdom of the Maccabees was placed there.

71 A. Chavasse's analysis of the manuscripts indicates that this homily belongs to the second recension, therefore it was delivered after a.d. 446–461; see Chavasse, op. cit. (n. 11), p. 533.

72 LP 1, pp. 233–4.

73 Among the fifth-century churches to St Lawrence one can note St Lawrence Outside the Walls, St Lawrence in Lucina, and the Sixtus construction, if not a reconstruction at the site on the Via Tiburtina. For more on these churches, see the general introduction by Brandenburg, op. cit. (n. 68), passim.

74 For St Lawrence Outside the Walls as a site laden with episcopal projects and demonstrative of episcopal power, see Bowes, op. cit. (n. 4), 96–8 and Sághy, M., ‘Scinditur in partes populus: Pope Damasus and the Martyrs of Rome’, Early Medieval Europe 9 (2000), 273–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a list of episcopal projects there before the fifth century, see R. Krautheimer, W. Frankl and S. Corbett, Corpus Basilicarum Christianorum Romae. Monumenti di Antichità, Ser. 2.2. Vatican City (1937–77), 2.6–9 [hereafter cited as CBCR].

75 For the date and construction of the Lawrence funerary basilica under Constantine, see LP 1, pp. 181–2: ‘fecit basilicam sancto Laurentio quod Valentinianus Augustus concessit.’ See also CBCR, 2.115–36. For the argument that the basilica at St Lawrence Outside the Walls was built by Sixtus, see Geertman, H., ‘Le basilica maior de San Lorenzo f.l.m’, in Guidobaldi, F. and Guidobaldi, A. Guiglia (eds), Ecclesiae urbis. Atti del congresso internazionale di studi sulle chiese di Roma (IV–X secolo) (2002) 2, 1225–47Google Scholar. It has been rightly critiqued; see, for example, Brandenburg, op. cit. (n. 68), 88; and Bowes, op. cit. (n. 4), 72 and 96.

76 LP 1, pp. 233–4. Davis, op. cit. (n. 5), 37: ‘Also bishop Xystus built a confessio for the martyr St Lawrence with porphyry columns, and decorated the passageway with tablets, and the altar and the confessio for the martyr St Lawrence of finest silver …’

77 LP 1, pp. 233–4. Davis, op. cit. (n. 5), 37.

78 LP 1, pp. 233–4. Davis, op. cit. (n. 5), 37. See n. 75 above.

79 Leo, Sermon 85.4.2: ‘… gloriemur in Domino, qui est “mirabilis in sanctis suis”, in quibus nobis et praesidium constituit et exemplum, atque ita per universum mundum clarificavit gloriam suam, ut a solis ortu usque ad occasum leviticorum luminum coruscante fulgore, quam clarificata est Hierosolima Stephano, tam inlustris fieret Roma Laurentio.’ Translation by Freeland and Conway, op. cit. (n. 49), 367; italics by author.

80 One of the other manuscript traditions adds the adjective virginis to the name and removes ‘ad populum’; Chavasse, op. cit. (n. 11), 591 argues for the authenticity of the first manuscript reading without these additions and dates this sermon to the second recension of the manuscripts, hence to 25 December 457.

81 Duchesne, L., ‘Notes sur la topographie de Rome au moyen-âge, Sainte-Anastasie’, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'École française de Rome 7 (1887), 387–413Google Scholar, at 395–6, opined that Pope Leo I's sermon versus Monophysitism at St Anastasia was topographically appropriate. Duchesne points out that Leo named the supporters of Eutyches, the Monophysites, in the sermon.

82 Professor Judson Emerick, in an oral paper, ‘Did the Early Christian St Anastasia Copy Old St Peter's?’ at a Conference on Old St Peter's, British School in Rome, March 22–25, 2010, made this argument. In an email of 2011 he wrote: ‘I keep arguing that St Anastasia had a big role to play in the earliest iterations of the papal stational liturgy at Christmas — that it was already a stop for Gregory I for morning mass on Christmas. The pope arrived there from Christmas eve vigil at St Mary Major, then went to high mass on Christmas afternoon at St Peter's. I can show that the original church was some six or so meters longer in overall length than it is now (at 57 meters). This was a huge church for the center of Rome … I keep arguing that it comprised a first attempt at a copy of St Peter's since the Titulus of St Anastasia had a transept in Pope Damasus’ day; St Peter's had early on become the sanctuary for the pope to display himself as leader in the mass at Christmas under Liberius.'

83 Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 157, and n. 64. Baldovin notes that in the sixth century, this location may also have included a ‘bow to the Byzantine imperial administration in the city, located on the Palatine, quite near St Anastasia’. See Righetti, M., Manuale di storia liturgica (4 vols, 1956), II, 60–2Google Scholar.

84 See n. 31 above, and n. 138 below for the evidence from Pope Gregory.

85 Krautheimer, op. cit. (n. 4), 112–16.

86 Finn, R., Almsgiving in the Later Roman Empire. Christian Promotion and Practice (313–450) (2006), 48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

87 Leo claims apostolic origins in Sermon 8: ‘Christianae pietatis est, dilectissimi, ut quae apostolicis sunt traditionibus instituta, perseveranti devotione serventur.’

88 Leo, Sermon 8.2: ‘voluimus dilectionem vestram tertia feria per omnes regionum vestrarum ecclesias.’

89 LP 1, pp. 148–9; see Davis, op. cit. (n. 5), 8.

90 Leo, Sermon 9.3. Even in the fourth century, the Apostolic Constitutions actively discouraged direct giving to the poor; see Neil, op. cit. (n. 41), 15 and Apost.Const. 2.27 (SC 320, 240–2).

91 Green, op. cit. (n. 4), 3; Bowes, op. cit. (n. 4), 65–71. For more on the independence of the tituli, see nn. 121–2 below and n. 4 above.

92 Pietri, C., ‘La conversion de Rome et la primauté du pape (IVe–Ve siècle)’, in Maccarrone, M. (ed.), Il primato del vescovo di Roma nel primo millennio. Ricerche e testimonianze. Atti del Symposium storico-teologico, Roma 9–13 ottobre 1989 (1991), 219–43Google Scholar, especially 235–6. Pietri's view is accepted by Lizzi, R., Senatori, popolo, papi. Il governo di Roma al tempo dei Valentiniani (2004), 112Google Scholar, but with no further evidence. Our first attested usage for this occurs under Leo, as other scholars have also argued; see n. 94 below.

93 Leo, Sermon 10.2: ‘et quia ad ecclesiam maxime ab unoquoque opem quaerente decurritur, fieret ex possibilitate multorum voluntaria et sancta collectio, quae per praesidentium curam necessariis serviret expensis.’ Leo mentions the lower clergy with a variety of terms; see M. M. Mueller, The Vocabulary of Pope St. Leo the Great, unpub. PhD dissertation, Catholic University (1943), 208. Leo notes the office of diaconium (PL 54, Ep. 167.2), but not the specific duties. His reference to the ones who collect and distribute the charity, praesidentes, echoes the language of Cassian's description of the task; cf. Cassian, Conlationes CSEL 21.1: ‘Venit ad abbatum Iohannem qui tunc temporis merito mirae sanctitatis electus diaconiae praesidebat.’ Leo knew Cassian and his ideas; as archdeacon Leo had commissioned Cassian to write the Roman Church's response to Nestorianism; Cassian, De incarnatione Christi contra Nestorium hereticum, CSEL 17: 235–91Google Scholar; and Chadwick, O., John Cassian. A Study in Primitive Monasticism (2nd edn, 1968), 131Google Scholar.

94 Rouche, M., ‘La matricule des pauvres. Évolution d'une institution de charité du Bas Empire jusqu'à la fin du Haut Moyen Âge’, in Mollat, M. (ed.), Études sur l'histoire de la pauvreté 1 (1974), 83–110Google Scholar, and at 97, who attributes the complete re-organization of the diaconia in Rome to Leo based on this passage, as does Neil, B., ‘Blessed is poverty: Leo the Great on almsgiving’, Sacris Erudiri 46 (2007), 143–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

95 Saxer, op. cit. (n. 7), 972.

96 See nn. 109 and 110 below.

97 See n. 4 above and n. 121 below.

98 For the term ‘strategy of visuality’ see n. 2 above.

99 For Leo on the importance of almsgiving to reinforce fasting, see Neil, op. cit. (n. 41), 18–20. Leo, Sermon, 11 is exemplary. See too Green, op. cit. (n. 4), 86 n. 197 for bibliography.

100 See too Leo, Sermon 9.2, CCSL 138, p. 35; Neil, op. cit. (n. 94), and Armitage, J. M., A Twofold Solidarity. Leo the Great's Theology of Redemption, Early Christian Studies 9 (2005), 174–8Google Scholar.

101 Leo, Sermon 17.2 (SC 200, 194). For an excellent discussion see Armitage, op. cit. (n. 100), 178–81.

102 See too Leo, Sermon 9.2, CCSL 138, p. 35; Neil, op. cit. (n. 94), 143–56, and J. M. Armitage, The Economy of Mercy: The Liturgical Preaching of Saint Leo the Great, unpub. PhD dissertation, University of Durham (1997), 204.

103 Armitage, op. cit. (n. 102), 189: remarked: ‘This does not make Leo some sort of fifth century socialist … but it is nevertheless true that [Leo's] vision is a social vision, and that he would regard any spirituality which is separated from its proper social dimension as in some sense defective.’ See too Prudentius, Perist. 11.191–202; and Brown, P., Through the Eye of a Needle. Wealth, the Fall of Rome, and the Making of Christianity in the West, 350–550 AD (2012), 465–8Google Scholar.

104 Armitage, op. cit. (n. 100), passim; Consolino, F., ‘Sante o patrone? Le aristocratiche tardoantiche e il potere della carità’, Studi storici 30 (1989), 969–91Google Scholar; and Finn, op. cit. (n. 86).

105 Leo, Sermon 84.1. For more on this sermon, see Salzman, M. R., ‘Leo the Great: responses to crisis and the shaping of a Christian cosmopolis’, in Drake, H. and Rapp, C. (eds), City-Empire-Christendom: Changing Contexts of Power and Identity in Antiquity (forthcoming 2013)Google Scholar.

106 Leo, Sermon 84.1: ‘Pudet dicere, sed necesse est non tacere: plus impenditur daemoniis quam apostolis, et maiorem obtinent frequentiam insana spectacula quam beata martyria.’ Impenditur emphasizes wasted money as well as time and effort; see OLD sv. impendo, 1 and 2.

107 Leo, Sermon 84.1: ‘Quis hanc urbem reformavit saluti? Quis a captivitate eruit? Quis a caede defendit? Ludus Circensium, an cura sanctorum, quorum utique precibus divinae censurae flexa sententia est …’

108 Leo, Sermon 84.1: ‘corda furentium barbarorum mitigare dignatus est …’ Leo's concern with ‘demons’ and the effects of the stars also suggests his on-going concern to root out Manichees and heretics; see especially, Maier, H., ‘Leo the Great and the Orthodox Panopticon’, JECS 4.4 (1996), 440–61Google Scholar.

109 Leo, Sermon 8: ‘… ad destruendas antiqui hostis insidias in die quo impii sub idolorum suorum nomine diabolo serviebant.’

110 Leo, Sermon 9.3 : ‘… ut quia in hoc tempore gentilis quondam populus superstitiosius daemonibus serviebat, contra profanas hostias impiorum sacratissima nostrarum eleemosinarum celebraretur oblatio. Quod quia incrementis Ecclesiae fructuosissimum fuit, placuit esse perpetuum.’ In this passage and in Sermon 8, Leo attributes the establishment of the Collects to the Apostles, but in Sermon 7, he simple ascribes it to the ‘Fathers’.

111 Olymp., Fr. 44 Müller.

112 See Orlandi, S., Roma, anfiteatri e strutture annesse con una nuova editione e commento delle iscrizioni del Colosseo, Epigrafia Anfitreatrale dell'Occident Romano 6 = 15 (2004), 42–6Google Scholar; 67–81; and 86–159.

113 For Christians at games in late antique Rome see Lim, R., ‘People as power: games, munificence, and contested topography’, in Harris, W. (ed.), The Transformations of Urbs Roma in Late Antiquity, JRA Suppl. 33 (1999), 265–81Google Scholar.

114 For the traditional procession, see Curran, J., Pagan City and Christian Capital. Rome in the Fourth Century (2000), 252–8Google Scholar.

115 Peter Chrysologus, Sermo clv bis.2 = CCL 24B, 967: ‘Ecce veniunt dies, ecce Kalendae veniunt et tota demonum pompa procedit, idolorum tota producitur officina, et sacrilegio vetusto anni novitas consecratur. Figurant Saturnum, faciunt Iovem, formant Herculem, exponunt cum vernantibus suis Dianam, circumducunt Vulcanum verbis anhelantem turpitudines suos. Praeterea vestiuntur homines in pecudes, et in feminas viros vertunt, honestatem rident, iuducia violant, censuram publicam rident.’ See Curran, op. cit. (n. 114), 257, and Arbesmann, R., ‘The “Cervuli” and “Anniculae” in Caesarius of Arles’, Traditio 35 (1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 112 n. 100 for attributing this sermon to Peter Chrysologus.

116 Gelase, Ier. Lettre Contre les Lupercales et dix-huit Messes du Sacramentaire Léonien, ed. Pomarès, G. (1969)Google Scholar, SC 65.20, p. 178: ‘Nec est quod dicatis potius haec agendo et facinora uniuscuiusqe vulgando deterreri a talibus commissis animos et pudore refrenari ne de his publica voce cantetur, quando sicut ille ait, “non tam deterrere quam admonere” animos haec ludibria videantur et…’ See too McLynn, N., ‘Crying wolf: the pope and the Lupercalia’, JRS 98 (2008), 170Google Scholar and Marazzi, F., ‘Rome in transition: economic and political change’, in Smith, J. M. H., Early Medieval Rome and the Christian West (2000), 21–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

117 Gelase, op. cit. (n. 116), SC 65.8–9, p. 168: ‘9: Itaque etiam tu post blasphemias palam publiceque profusas a sacro corpore modis omnibus abstinendus es. Non potes enim mensae Domini participare et mensae daemoniorum, nec calicem Domini bibere calicem daemoniorum, non potes templum Dei esse et templum diaboli …’ For the argument that there had probably been a temporary disruption in the Lupercalia, see McLynn, op. cit. (n. 116), 170–2.

118 McLynn, op. cit. (n. 116), 172.

119 Gelase, op. cit. (n. 116), SC 65.31–2, pp. 186–7.

120 See n. 94 above.

121 Hillner, J., ‘Clerics, property and patronage: the case of the Roman titular church’, An Tard 14 (2006), 59–68Google Scholar, on the social status of the donors.

122 Hillner, op. cit. (n. 4), 225–61. See too Bowes, op. cit. (n. 4), 65–71.

123 LP 1, p. 220 describes the building donated by Vestina as the ‘basilica sanctorum Gervasi et Protasi’. Elsewhere, the titulus is said to be the Titulus of Vestina, as in the Council of 499 (MGH [AA] 12:411).

124 See nn. 4–5 above.

125 Bowes, op. cit. (n. 4), 69 n. 54 for documentation.

126 Council of 502 (MGH [AA] 12:450).

127 Sessa, op. cit. (n. 26), 226–9.

128 Leo, Letter 17, dated to a.d. 447 to the bishop of Sicily (PL 54:704–6). See too the discussion by Sessa, op. cit. (n. 26), 226–7.

129 See especially Humphries, op. cit. (n. 23), 49–50; and Brown, T. S., Gentlemen and Officers: Imperial Administration and Aristocratic Power in Byzantine Italy AD 554–800 (1984), 21–37Google Scholar.

130 Latham, J., ‘From literal to spiritual soldiers of Christ’, Church History 81:2 (June 2012), 298–327CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

131 LP 1, p. 62. Davis, op. cit. (n. 5), 61.

132 Latham, op. cit. (n. 130), 298–327.

133 Saxer, op. cit. (n. 7), II, 937.

134 Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 128 citing the Sacramentarum Leonianum: ‘Hac hebdomade nobis mensis decimi sunt recensenda jejunia. Quapropeter fidem vestrae dilectionis hortamur ut eadem quarta et sexta feria solitis processionibus exequentes sabbatorum die hoc ipsum vigiliis sollemnibus expleamus quatenus apostolicis suffragantibus meritis propitiationem Dei nostri perseverantia debitae servitutis obtineat …’. For the fast days at St Peter's, see Table 1 above.

135 Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 158–60. See too Gregory the Great, Letter 2, MGH AA, pp. 365–7 for his a.d. 603 places for the collections. For a.d. 599, see Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum 10.1 (MGH SS. Aevi Merovincarum, p. 407). See too Latham, J., ‘The making of a papal Rome: Gregory I and the letania septiformis’, in Lenski, N. and Cain, A. (eds), The Power of Religion in Late Antiquity (2009), 293–304Google Scholar.

136 Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 291 for the evidence from the twelfth-century Ordo Romanus XVI of Mabillon.

137 For discussions of the development of the papal stational liturgy see Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 291 and Saxer, op. cit. (n. 7), 938–53.

138 12 May sermons of Gregory are noted at the basilicas on the Via Aurelia and the Via Ardeatina, a distance too far to suggest that he preached at both places on the same day; see Baldovin, op. cit. (n. 3), 124. For a listing of Gregory's places where he delivered his Sunday and Festal Sermons, see Table 1 above.

139 Saxer, op. cit. (n. 7), n. 76. For the colonnades, see n. 62 above.