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Caesar, Etruria and the Disciplina Etrusca

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Elizabeth Rawson
Elizabeth Rawson
Affiliation:
New Hall, Cambridge
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Extract

In investigating the workings of the Roman clientela system in the first century B.C., we are accustomed to finding a complex pattern. Within a province or other area, different cities or even different families inside a city may look to different Roman magnates, or even have a plethora of patrons, who can be played off against each other. For example, Sicily in Cicero's time was particularly richly provided: various branches of the patrician and plebeian Claudii, notably the Marcelli, also Pompey, Cicero himself, and others. After the Mithridatic War, as I have tried to argue, Pompey's view of his influence and responsibilities in the East clashed head-on with that of the patrician Claudii, who had long-established interests in many parts of the area. A great dynast might indeed control a city, though he would probably have some opponents in it; given inter-city and other rivalries he would find it hard to control a whole province, though his influence might be strong and widespread within it.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 68 , November 1978 , pp. 132 - 152
Copyright
Copyright ©Elizabeth Rawson 1978. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 ‘The Eastern Clientelae of Clodius and the Claudii’, Historia XXII (1973), 219Google Scholar.

2 Badian, E., Foreign Clientelae (1958), 247Google Scholar; he notes also the coherence of Samnium till Sulla, not a matter of clientela.

3 BC 1, 35, 1, cf. 11, 32, 2.

4 Ad Att. VIII, 16, 1–2; ix, 5, 3.

5 De Visscher, F., ‘Jules César patron d'Alba Fucens’, Ant. Class. XXXIII (1964), 98,CrossRefGoogle Scholar noting that Alba is in Caesar's own tribe, the Fabia, which is also that of his enemy Domitius Ahenobarbus, whose family must have lost influence in the place. The inscription dates from 48–7.

6 ILLRP 406 (48–7 B.C.). Cf. Strabo v, 249, demoted to a village by Sulla.

7 Panuccio, A., ‘Un' Iscrizione di Cesare a Vibo Valentia’, Athenaeum XLV (1967), 158;Google Scholar cf. Bitto, I., ‘La concessione del Patronato nella Politica di Cesare’, Epigraphica xxxil (1970), 172Google Scholar. (A Tarentine inscription not referring to patronage, L. Gasperini, ibid. XXXIII (1971), 48, also discussing Caesar as patron of Greek cities.) The Vibo inscription is of 46 B.C.

8 ILLRP 407 (45–4 B.C.). Degrassi, ad loc, accepts it as genuine.

9 Plutarch, Pompey 6.

10 Velleius Paterculus II, 29; recruits mostly his father's veterans, Bell. Afr. 22, 2; Valerius Maximus v, 2, 9; Cicero, Phil. v, 44.

11 Ad Q. f. II, 3, 4; Pompey still rested hopes on Picenum in 49, ad Att. VII, 16, 2; VIII, 12c, 2. But Caesar, BC 1, 13, 1 f. could recruit, or take over enemy troops, here, and his clemency at Corfinium bound a large area to him, BC 11, 32.

12 Plutarch, loc. cit. Pace A. Gellius xv, 4, Ventidius Bassus is unlikely to have been really ‘genere et loco humili’, by Picene standards. ILLRP 382, Pompey patron of Auximum.

13 Wiseman, T. P., New Men in the Roman Senate (1971), no. 406, cf. 525Google Scholar.

14 The Minucii Basili, Wiseman, op. cit, no. 258; Nonius, no. 274—his father and uncle may have been on Strabo's consilium; cf. G. W. Houston, ‘Nonius Flaccus: A new Equestrian career from Firmum Picenum’, Cl. Phil. LXXII (1977), 232. The Lollius Palicanus, trib. 72 B.C., was a ‘humili loco Picens’ (Sallust, Hist. IV, 43M), probably acting for Pompey; the moneyer, Crawford, RRC 1, 482. In general, Gabba, E., Esercito e Società nella Tarda Repubblica Romana (1973), 64Google Scholar.

15 e.g. Piotrowicz, L., ‘Quelques remarques sur l'attitude de l'Etrurie pendant les troubles civils à la fin de la République romaine’, Klio XXIII (1930), 34;Google Scholar R. Syme, ‘Caesar, the Senate and Italy’, PBSR XIV (1938), 1; Badian, E., ‘Caepio and Norbanus’, Historia VI (1957), 318Google Scholar = Studies in Greek and Roman History (1964), 49, and FC (1958), 222; Taylor, L. R., Voting Districts of the Roman Republic (1960), 117, 130Google Scholar; Salmon, E. T., Samnium and the Samnites (1967), 385Google Scholar; Roman Colonization (1969), 251.

16 E. Gabba writes of ‘la tendenza filomariana delle classi inferiori etrusche’, op. cit. (n. 14), 308; M. Sordi, ‘Ottaviano e l'Etruria’, St. Etr. XL (1972), 3 holds both ‘gran parte della nobiltà etrusca’ and ‘le masse popolari’ Caesarian. Cf. Harris, W. V., Rome in Etruria and Umbria (1971), 251Google Scholar.

17 Brunt, P. A., ‘Italian Aims at the time of the Social War’, JRS LV (1965), 90Google Scholar. But it would have been sensible of Marius to pick up the Gracchan tradition of support for Italian claims (his silence in 91 may suggest it was hard for him to oppose Drusus) and many allied soldiers may have been devoted to him (northern barbarians were the traditional enemy of the Etruscans). His mother Fulcinia may be related to the prominent family from Tarquinii. Diodorus XXXVII, 15, Marius fraternizing with Pompaedius in 90, has been doubted.

18 Ruoff-Väänänen, E. in Studies in the Romanization of Etruria, Acta Inst. Rom. Finl. v (1975), 78:Google Scholar he raised slaves and Roman citizens of the area; D. B. Nagle, ‘An Allied View of the Social War’, AJA Lxxvii (1973), 367. But Appian talks of Τυρρηνοί attracted by the promise of support over the vote; cf. Plutarch, Marius 41, 4.

19 Even the Etruscan aristocracy had a ‘habitus mentale democratico’, claims M. Cristofani, St. Etr. XLI (1973), 591—most unlikely, and not to be proved by Maecenas’ refusal to enter the Senate, which a man ‘Tusco de sanguine regum’ probably thought a step down.

Badian, E., Publicans and Sinners (1972), 93Google Scholar supposes the C. Maecenas who opposed Drusus in 91 to be a publicanus; Fulcinius of Tarquinii was a banker in Rome (pro Caecina 10); A. Caecina, no Marian probably, had negotia in Asia (below); a few more negotiatores than, e.g., Wilson, A. J. N., Emigration from Italy in the Republican Age of Rome (1966), 88 etcGoogle Scholar. allows may be Etruscans, even in the East, where in Lydia and Mysia at least they could exploit legendary connections. Hatzfeld, J., Les Trafiquants italiens dans l'Orient helénique (1919)Google Scholar, lists in his Index Arruntii, a Saenius at Corcyra, a Porsennius in Crete; a Persius, Horace, Sat. I, 7 and IG XII, 8, 205; Trebonii, see below. Cristofani, M., in Hellenismus in Mittelitalien (ed. Zanker, P.) II (1976), 334,Google Scholar is not the only archaeologist to connect the ‘chiara ripresa edilizia’ of many Etruscan cities in the second century with wealth brought in by negotiatores (booty too, perhaps).

20 op. cit. (n. 16), 252. See Exuperantius 7 (probably from Sallust, on 83 B.C.): ‘erat autem Etruria fidissima partibus Marianis, quia ab ipsis Romanam quam antea non habebant acceperant civitatem; timentes igitur Etrusci ne beneficium tantae dignitatis a Marianis acceptum Sylla revocaret, si adversae partes essent amputatae, penitus ad Sertorium se atque alios eiusdem factionis duces applicarunt’. For devotion to Marius as opposed to the Mariani, note Catiline raised the eagle of Marius in Etruria; hardly to attract the Sullan veterans who joined his revolt.

21 Harvey, P., ‘Cicero, leg. agr. 2.78 and the Sullan colony at Praeneste’, Athenaeum LIII (1975), 33:Google Scholar some old local families survive to hold office in the Sullan colony, more re-emerge later. P. Castrén, Ordo Populusque Pompeianus (1975), 92 shows Sabellian families emerging in the ordo of the Sullan colony here only in the fifties or even forties. For Sulla's weeding-out of opponents all over Italy, Cic., pro Rose. Am. 16; Diod. Sic. xxxviii/xxxix 13; perhaps Sisenna frag. 132 (Peter).

22 op. cit. (n. 16), 296.

23 BC 1, 12.

24 At Volaterrae, Veii, Capena and probably Arretium and Castrum Novum at least; for Florentia, Hardie, C., ‘The Origin and Plan of Roman Florence’, JRS LV (1965), 122Google Scholar.

25 ‘Senatori Etruschi della tarda reppublica e dell'impero’, Dial, di Arch. III (1969), 285— speaking of course only of senators. Cf. E. Gabba, op. cit. (n. 14), 90, Marian officers not usually of ‘i ceti più elevati della regione, in notoria connessione con l'oligarchia Romana’, and 308, Sertorius' scribe Maecenas perhaps not of the great family, or he would be, like Perperna, ‘una eccezione alia normale intonazione oligarchica della nobiltà etrusca’.

26 The Etruscans (tr. J. Cremona, 1975), 133; all he adduces to prove his case is Livy's notice that the rest of Etruria refused to support Veii in its final struggle with Rome because it had put itself under a King (who tried to become priest of the League)— which may have no historical value, but could reflect a later belief that the Etruscan ruling class was hostile to monarchy. (R. Ogilvie, on Livy v, 1, 3, dismisses the passage as ‘too schematic and too Roman’; M. Torelli, ‘Tre Studi di Storia Etrusca’, Dial, di Arch. VIII (1975), 58 follows M. Sordi, I Rapporti Romano-Ceriti (1960), 10 in thinking it a reliable notice of ultimately Etruscan origin; perhaps, but her view that Virgil's story of King Mezentius (of Caere, not Veii) is a reflection of these events drawn from an old Etruscan source is not convincing.)

27 Below, n. 47.

28 Harris, op. cit. (n. 16), 114. The ‘Prophecy of Vegoia’, forbidding slaves to move the limites, is probably the best evidence for survival of the system somewhere (Perusia ? Clusium ?) at least till the late second century. Some believe it ended earlier in parts of the north than in the south; e.g. Torelli, M., ‘La situazione in Etruria’, Hellenismus in Mittelitalien I (1976), 97Google Scholar.

29 Thulin, C. O., Die Etruskische Disciplin (1905–1909, repr. 1968), 1, 70–1Google Scholar, in, 135, and in RE VII, 2434, 2437, s.v. ‘haruspices’. Hence e.g. Bloch, R., Les Prodiges dans l'Antiquxté Classique (1963), 52Google Scholar; Dumézil, G., La Religion Romaine Archaïque (1966), 627Google Scholar; Lenaghan, J. O., A Commentary on Cicero's Oration De Haruspicum Responso (1969), 35Google Scholar; Goar, R. J., Cicero and the State Religion (1972), 69Google Scholar; Pfiffig, A. J., Religio Etrusca (1975), 45Google Scholar.

30 Badian, ‘Caepio and Norbanus’ (n. 15), 52 holds that all Lupus' legates were friends of Marius. But Lupus replaced Perperna with Marius himself on the former's defeat—which might cause a coolness ?

31 For the evidence for all these figures, see Appendix.

32 Plutarch, Sertorius 2; note his levies from Etruria in 83, n. 20 above.

33 Pro Caecina 28.

34 Ad f. x, 28, 1 calls him a civis acerrimus; Cicero also thought the son, though a Caesarian, rational and cultivated, and had been supported by him when quaestor in ?60. But for hints of anti-Sullan connections, see Appendix.

35 Ad f. XIII, 5, 2. Cicero had known the man from boyhood and, probably as patron of the city, been concerned in his restoration.

36 Gabba, op. cit. (n. 16), 65. Pfiffig, A. J., ‘Der Beitrag Etruriens zum Kaiserheer’, Mélanges Heurgon (1976), 803Google Scholar; see esp. Tacitus, Ann. IV, 5.

37 Gelzer, M., Caesar: Politician and Statesman (1968), 19Google Scholar.

38 Cicero, De or. III, 10; Val. Max. v, 3, 3.

39 Münzer, RE IV, 1287; he was married to a daughter of Pompey's. But note 1282, Dolabella's quaestor of the name. Ther e was an inconspicuous Papirius Carbo who held office in the 60's, a friend, of sorts, of Cicero, RE XVIII, 1021.

40 Harris, op. cit. (n. 16), esp. 226; the grandson of the cos. 91 was also Caesarian. His ancestor triumphed de Etruscis as cos. 281. Th e Aurelii Cottae, close relatives of Caesar, may have had Etruscan ties; though much of the Via Aurelia (second century B.C. ?) ran through territory long Roman and in its final form at least by-passed all the old Etruscan cities, a Cotta put up a milestone in Vulci in the late second century (Harris, 164) and an Aurelia L.f., perhaps daughter of a L. Cotta, married a Tarquinian magistrate L. Tercenna (ILLRP 673, after the Social War). But a M. Cotta in 49 fought for die Senate (BC I, 30; ad Att. X, 16, 3). The Cassii, builders of the Via Cassia in the second century, were definitely split in 49. Where older links are concerned, the Fabii, whose early interest in Clusium and elsewhere is indubitable, had turned in the third century to the Greek world and by the first seem more concerned with Gaul and Spain: two Fabii served Caesar, but others are associated with Ap. Claudius and C. Cassius. A fortiori, those of the Etruscan gentes of the regal and early republican periods who did not die out or return to Etruria may have lost touch in the course of the centuries, e.g. the Licinii, usually derived from Etruscan Lecne. See Ogilvie, R., Early Rome and the Etruscans (1976), 50Google Scholar for a fuller list. The Etruscan cities had been devoted to Scipio Africanus, Plut. Fab. Max., 25; the main representative of the family now fought for the Republic.

41 See now Hohti, P., ‘Aulus Caecina the Volaterran’, Studies in the Romanization of Etruria (n. 18 above)Google Scholar: ‘wenig Neues’ and some confusions. Shackleton Bailey at ad f. VI, 6, 8 distinguishes the Querelae, probably verse, from the liber of VI, 7, 1, possibly on oratory.

42 It is overwhelmingly likely that the Caecina at Utica was Cicero's friend: Bell. Afr. 89 does not prove he was entirely pardoned, so Münzer's doubts at RE III, 1237 are unnecessary. (The other eques is P. Atrius, a leader of the conventus of Utica.)

43 cf. ‘nobilissimo atque optimo viro’ (ad f. VI, 6, 3) and ‘claro homini et forti viro’ (VI, 9, 1) of his father; and pro Caec. 104, ‘amplissimo totius Etruriae nomine’. Pace Hohti, op. cit. (n. 41), and Nicolet, C., L'Ordre Equestre II (1974), no. 64,Google Scholar I take the Caecina of Cicero's speech to be the father; it is unlikely that Cicero's correspondent, his own contemporary or junior, married in the 70's a widow old enough to have a son who had died as an adulescens (pro Caec. 11–12). Cicero's correspondent will not be the offspring of this marriage with Caesennia (no issue is reported) but of an earlier one. His own son was adulescens in 46 (ad f. VI, 7, 5).

44 Ad f. VI, 7, 4. Office, or at least curule office, extinguished clientship, Plutarch, Marius 5.

45 Ad f. XIII, 66, 1. Servilius at Volaterrae, Gran. Licin. 32F; he also, with another Servilius, won a battle near Clusium, Vell. Pat. II, 28, 1, Plutarch, , Sulla 28, 8Google Scholar.

46 Cicero's friend perhaps inherited Caesennia's estate at Tarquinii; in the late second century Caecinae at Clusium (J. Thimme, St. Etr. XXV (1957), 87; Tarquinii (CIE 5494–5); Horta (TLE 2 285); in the middle or late first century, Volsinii (ILLRP 438, cf. TLE 2 260, a tomb nearby); a signaculum from Arretium of C. Caecina Tacitus, CIL XI, 6712. Much earlier they had crossed the Apennines to Felsina (Bologna), though it is perhaps rash to link these archaic Ceicna (TLE 2 698–9) with, e.g., Caecina Alienus, born in Vicetia and prominent in A.D. 69.

47 The chronology of the Volaterrae urns is disputed, with the low dates of M. Nielsen, in Studies in the Romanization of Etruria (n. 18 above), much attacked, see Caratteri dell' Ellenismo nelle Urne Etrusche, Prospettiva Suppl. I (1975)Google Scholar. But many would agree they go on to the mid first century B.C., as Etruscan inscriptions do: J. Kaimio, in Studies (n. 18 above), A. Degrassi, ‘Il sepolcro dei Salvii a Ferento e le sue iscrizioni’, Rend. Pont. Acc. Rom. Arch. XXXIV (1961), 59 = Scritti Vari di Antichità (1967), 153. F. Coarelli, Caratteri, 143 argues for an influx of Roman intruders after the fall of Volaterrae in 81; Cristofani sees the aristocracy surviving, 74 f.

48 Hohti, op. cit. (n. 41), thinks not, as it is not specifically mentioned in the letters.

49 Wiseman, op. cit. (n. 13), 140, thinks Caecina could probably control the vote of the small tribe Sabatina, covering only Volaterrae and a few south Etruscan towns till Mantua joined them in 49 (and once-Etruscan Mantua might respect a Caecina ?). But how much would Caesar, who left little to the assemblies, worry ?

50 Ad f. XII, 66, 1. Shackleton Bailey, on ad f. VI, 6, supposes that Caesar finally relented, as Suetonius, DJ 75 says he bore Caecina's slanders ‘civili animo’. Caecina (or his son ?) is last seen in Rome in 43, seconding Cicero's efforts to keep the war against Antony going, and as a friend of Furnius, which tells us little (ad f. X, 25, 3). Was his surprising fama with the people of Rome due to his being the Caecina, an eques of Volaterrae, who provided quadrigae for the races and whose homing swallows, dyed in the colour of his team, brought news of victory to friends at home (Pliny, NH X, 34, 2) ? Such racing was a fine old Etruscan tradition, believed by some in antiquity to be the origin of the practice at Rome, R. C. Bronson, ‘Chariot Racing in Etruria’, Stud, in on. di L. Banti (1965), 89. Nicolet, op. cit. (n. 43), no. 62 and others reject the identification, of which Pliny certainly seems un aware. But our Caecina probably at least owned the stud, presumably in the Maremma Volterrana, where large herds have often pastured, and where the family has left traces, including several imperial inscriptions: there was a family villa here visited by Rutilius Namatianus, and a river and town are still called Cecina. There were also metals in the Cecina valley, worked in the later centuries B.C.; and it is understandable that a man with property near Vada Volaterrana, the port of Volaterrae, should have business interests abroad (ad f. VI, 6, 2 shows he was also in Asia in 58). M. Cristofani, Caratteri (n. 47 above), 74 discusses the development of trade and settlement in the second century near the mouth of the Cecina. (Alternatively, Caecina's fama came from his eloquence, attested—only—by Seneca, Nat. Quaest. 56, 1.)

51 ILLRP 915; AÉ (1957), no. 217.

52 Pro Caecina 97; G. Novaro, ‘Proposta di restituzione della lezione originate Arteminos in Cicerone, ad Att. 1, 19, 4’, St. Etr. XLIII (1975), 105 thinks it was the men of modern Artimino, near Florence (an Etruscan site), not those of Arretium, whose lands, with those of the Volaterrans, Cicero protected against Flavius' Lex Agraria in 61. Since Arretium was a Sullan colony, the words ‘quorum agrum Sulla publicarat neque diviserat’ are certainly hard to apply to the Arretines: perhaps they only refer to Volaterrae. But we should observe that the popularis C. Licinius Macer spoke pro Tuscis as trib. in 73, and a fragment (ORF no. 110 fr. 5) deals with the loss of property caused, probably, by Sulla's colonies.

53 Ad f. VIII, 14, 1.

54 Vell. Pat. 11, 74,4; Appian, BC V, 49. A Cestius proscribed, Appian IV, 4, 26; but Cestii holding office in 44, who might or might not be Etruscans, should be acceptable to Caesar.

55 Harris, op. cit. (n. 16), 31 gives the text, preserved by the gromatici (Lachmann 1, 348) and a sound discussion; he disagrees with Heurgon, J., ‘The Date of Vegoia's Prophecy’, JRS XIIX (1959), 41,Google Scholar who thinks it issued at the time of Drusus' reforms in 91, but he accepts that prope novissimi octavi saeculi indicates late second or early first century B.C. (cf. Censorinus 17, 6 on the ten saecula granted Etruria). Torelli, ‘Senatori’ (n. 25), thinks it Gracchan; Turcan, R., ‘Encore la Prophétie de Vegoia’, Mélanges Heurgon (1976),Google Scholar 1009 places it much earlier.

56 De har. resp. 53.

57 Censorinus 4,13: ‘disciplinam quam lucumones turn Etruriae potentes exscripserunt’; Comm. Bern. Lucan I, 636: ‘duodecim principum pueris’.

58 Cicero, De div. 1, 92, six from each state; Val. Max. 1, 1, I, who says ten (X). Tacitus, Ann. XI, 15: ‘primores Etruriae sponte aut patrum Romanorum impulsu retinuisse scientiam et in familias propagasse’.

59 De leg. II, 21.

60 Seneca, Nat. Quaest. 11, 49, 2.

61 If he is the Tarquitius linked with Varro and one Selius in Catalepton V, 3 (though the name rests on an emendation), or if he was used by Verrius Flaccus, as the lacunose passage Festus 340L has suggested. Heurgon, J., ‘Tarquitius Priscus et l'organisation de l'ordre des haruspices’, Latomus XII (1953), 402Google Scholar has been overtaken by Torelli, Elogia Tarquiniensia (1975), esp. 105: the inscription commonly supposed to refer to him pretty certainly does not do so. Heurgon, ‘Varron et l'haruspice étrusque Tarquitius Priscus’, Varron, Grammaire Antique et Stylistique Latine par/pour J. Collart (1978), 101, not convincing.

62 RE IV A, 2394.

63 Aeneid X, 175; XI, 429; XII, 258, 460. Gordon, M. L., ‘The Family of Virgil’, JRS XXIV (1934), 1;Google ScholarNardi, B., ‘L'Etruria nell Eneide’, Atti del III Cong. Naz. di St. R. IV (1935), 31;Google Scholar R. Enking, ‘P. Vergilius Maro Vates Etruscus’, MDAI(R) LXVI (1959). 65 exaggerates. For Tolumnius, L. A. Holland, ‘Place Names and Heroes in the Aeneid’, AFP LVI (1935), 211.

64 De div. 1, 132.

65 Dion. Hal. III, 70, 4 on Attus Navius perhaps suggests that leading experts might take humble pupils (who might, we may note, adopt their masters' outlook).

66 How far were sacred books in Etruscan still in use ? Lucretius VI, 381, ‘non Tyrrhena retro volventem carmina frustra’ is still, hesitantly, taken as referring to the Etruscan script, written sinistrorsum, by Harris and others; haruspices in particular may have known the language, probably not yet dead, see n. 47.

67 In the third and second centuries at least Bacchanalian rites were popular; they might have more to offer the ignorant. Livy XXXIX, 9, 7 (cf. Virgil, , Aeneid XI, 737)Google Scholar. J. Heurgon, ‘Influences Grecques sur la Religion Étrusque’, RÉL XXXV (1957) 106; Pailler, J., ‘Les Bacchanals et la Possession par les Nymphes’, Mélanges Heurgon (1976), 731Google Scholar.

68 CIL VI, 32439, ‘L. Vinulleius L. f. Pom. Lucullus arispex de sexaginta’, is one of the earliest (late first century B.C. ?). CIL XI, 4194, a member, perhaps master, of the same date, is an ex-military tribune, thus an eques.

69 Tacitus, Ann. XI, 15. This is the best evidence against Wissowa's view (Relig. u. Kultus der Römer (1912), 548, that the ordo was made up of the haruspices attached to magistrates, ‘apparitorische Haruspices’. In the second century A.D. you could perhaps be in the ordo and specially attached to the Emperor, CIL VI, 2163.

70 Torelli, Elogia (n. 61), 105 f. The mid-second century was probably a time of purification and revival of religious practices at Rome, see ‘Scipio, Laelius, Furius and the Ancestral Religion’, JRS LXIII (1973), 161Google Scholar.

71 Wissowa, op. cit. (n. 69), 320, 543, does not think this occurred till well into imperial times.

72 He was called to interpret the horrific portents supposedly terrifying the Senate early in 49, oversaw the resulting rites, ‘atque iram superum raptis quaesivit in extis’, Phars. 1, 617— ‘bestimmt dichterische Willkür’, says Wissowa, 546.

73 Ad f. IX, 24, 2, imaginary consultation of Spurinna on a private matter: demonstrabat, not respondebat. De div. 1, 79, the father of Roscius the actor ad haruspices rettulit the snake portent concerning his infant son (it does not matter whether the story is true). Pliny, Ep. II, 20, 4, consultation on a general matter means a sacrifice, interpreted by the haruspex.

74 Appian, BC 1, 24.

75 Obsequens 46; Cicero, De leg. 11, 31.

76 Appian, BC 1, 71.

77 ibid., 78.

78 At Nola he encouraged Sulla's march on Rome, Plutarch, , Sulla 9, 3;Google Scholar he was at Tarentum when Sulla returned to Italy, 27, 4 (cf. Augustine, CD 11, 24), so it was probably Postumius at the Piraeus too, Obsequens 56b.

79 Münzer, RE XXII, 895 compares an ‘Etruscan’ pirate, Postumius, Diod. Sicul. XVI, 82, 3 and Postumius Pyrgensis, a contractor in the Second Punic War, Livy XXV, 3, 8; but Pyrgi was a Roman colony. Torelli, ‘Senatori’ (n. 25), notes TLE 2 22, ‘Pustminas’.

80 Val. Max. IX, 12, 5, cf. Veil. Pat. II, 7, 2, haruspex Tuscus. Herennius (though the name is Italic and common) could come from Etruria, see Kaimio, Studies (n. 18), 32. Münzer, RE VIII, 679 tends to accept that the moneyer M. Herennius, who stresses Pietas and a Sicilian legend on his coins, is his son and perhaps the cos. 93; Crawford, RRC no. 308 (c. 108–7 B.C.), doubts it.

81 Plutarch, , Sulla 6, 7Google Scholar. The prodigy occurred on a campaign, so in spite of the plural the interpreter might be an individual, perhaps already Postumius. Sulla of course represented every type of diviner and divination as favourable to him.

82 Pliny, NH 11, 144.

83 Junius Philargyrius on Virgil, Ecl. 1, 17: ‘proscriptione a Sulla Romanis inlata dicuntur vastationes quercui ingestae, quae in tutela Iovis fiebat; quando peccaret quis in Iovem, ipse percutiebat quercum’. The disciplina had much to say of trees as well as lightning, but Thulin, op. cit. (n. 29), 1, 107 shows that Roman methods of procuring fulgura that struck trees did not always involve haruspices.

84 Cicero, Cat. III, 19 f.; Obsequens 61. It is not clear what ‘the Sibylline books and the haruspices’ had said to make Lentulus think he was the third Cornelius fated to rule Rome, Cat. III, 9.

85 Strabo XVII, 1, 11 says Pompey himself was involved in the murder.

86 R. Austin, ed. Cicero, Pro Caelio (i960), App. v; Gruen, E., The Last Generation of the Roman Republic (1974), 306Google Scholar.

87 Luca was in mid-April. Lenaghan, op. cit. (n. 29), 24, points out that Cicero talks of the gods' anger at the conduct of the Megalesia, which suggests that the portents (and certainly the responsum—how long did it take to get the consultant haruspices to Rome ?) were after April 8. Gelzer, M., ‘Die Datierung von Ciceros Rede de haruspicum responso’, Klio XXX (1937), 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar = Kl. Schr. n, 229, thinks that the haruspices' anxiety about discordia shows vague knowledge of Luca.

88 BC II, 488, 641.

89 De div. 11, 52.

90 cf. (with Weinstock, S., Divus Julius (1971), 98)Google Scholar Terence, Phormio, 709: ‘haruspex vetuit ante brumam autem novi/negotii incipere’; also the responsum of 84 B.C., above.

91 Suetonius, DJ 59; but ‘profectionem … non distulit’.

92 Bell. Afr. 2, 2–5 (Dr. J. A. North pointed out this passage to me). It is true that the author thinks that Caesar would have embarked sooner if the weather had allowed; when he did, the journey was ‘vento certo celerique navigio’.

93 Beaujeu, J., ‘Les Dernières Années du Calendrier pré-Julien’, Mélanges Heurgon (1976), 13Google Scholar.

94 11; cf. 55: ‘quid autem aut ostenta aut eorum interpretes … nuper nostros adiuyerunt ?’

95 His belief in divination might possibly endear him to its practitioners; he was also known as a friend of Posidonius, who accepted divination and probably visited Etruria: Heurgon, J., ‘Posidonius et les Étrusques’, Hommages A. Grenier 11 (1962), 799Google Scholar.

96 De div. 1, 119; H, 37.

97 Weinstock, op. cit. (n. 90), 345 suggests people took the warning as the reason Caesar refused the diadem. I believe that the point of the offer was that it should be refused (‘Caesar's Heritage: Hellenistic Kings and their Roman Equals’, JRS LXV (1975), 148), but not everyone realized that beforehand.

98 Thulin, op. cit. (n. 29), 11, 31 f.

99 Anabasis V, 6, 29; Cyrop. 1, 6, 2.

100 K. Münscher, Xenophon in d. gr.-r. Lit., Philol. Suppl. XIII, 2 (1920), chap. 3. Suetonius, DJ 87.

101 In a sense he does not vouch for it, as he puts it into the mouth of the credulous Quintus, but in his own person, at 11, 36, he does not declare it untrue, but implies the heart was diseased. He was writing soon after the event, at which he was probably present (at a distance); the story must have been at least widely believed and plausible.

102 Suetonius, DJ 81, 2–4; Val. Max. VIII, xi, 2R. Bormann, E., ‘Cn. Domitius Calvinus’, Festschr. f. O. Benndorf (1898), 283Google Scholar for Calvinus' religious interests, later at least; but he was possibly already a pontifex.

103 N. Horsfall, ‘The Ides of March: Some New Problems’, G. and R. XXI (1974), 191. Plutarch tells us there were unfavourable sacrifices at Caesar's house on the Ides; we do not know if this is true or if Spurinna was there.

101 op. cit. (n. 29).

105 In Verr. 11, 2, 27 and 33; 3, 28 and 54.

106 FIRA 2 1, no. 21: 500 as opposed to 800HS.

107 cf. Val. Max. IV, 1 Ext: a young Spurinna with whom feminae illustres fell in love (before enfranchisement); Varro, LL X, 27 links the name (MSS Purinna) with the aristocratic Perperna and Caecina. But at least one lautni (freedman) at Perusia, CIE 4045; the name is found elsewhere in Etruria, e.g. Arretium, CIL XI, i, 847. Vestricius Spurinna, Syme, R., Tacitus (1958), App. VIGoogle Scholar.

108 ‘Tre Studi’ (n. 26 above), cf. Elogia, 40 f., 67 f.

109 cf. Persius m, 28, pluming yourself ‘stemmate quod Tusc o ramum millesime ducis’; probable documentary evidence for family history, T. J. Cornell, ‘Etruscan Historiography’, Ann. della Sc. Norm. di Pisa VI (1976), 411.

110 Ad f. IX, 24, 2.

111 ibid. VI, 18, 1.

112 cf. Syme's defence of Caesar's senators, op. cit. (n. 8) and The Roman Revolution (1939), 78. He wrongly thinks that Cicero is talking of ex-haruspices—there is a contrast between acting haruspices in the Senate at Rome and ex-praecones in municipal councils. The former need not have been actually earning their bread by the trade. Cicero's outrage is fairly superficial.

113 Plutarch, Caesar 43.

114 Thulin, op. cit. (n. 29), 11, 32.

115 As shown by Festus 287L; Val. Max. I, 6, 7 and 12, etc.

116 Dio XLI, 39, 2, probably in Rome not Brundisium, but what is the lake ?

117 One story suggests haruspical favour to Caesar: Suet., DJ 61, when a horse with toes was born on his property, the haruspices declared that his rider would rule the world. The prodigy was in loco privato, so the Senate's consultants would not take cognizance of it; but the tale is presumably ex post facto.

It is better not to build on the description, by Lucan I, 584 f., of portents terrifying the Senate in early 49 and the summoning of the Tuscan prophets. Though Lucan's supernatural scenery is sometimes drawn from historical sources, Plut, ., Caesar 34, 1Google Scholar says the consuls and senators left Rome without even any of the usual rites.

118 Also that he could get better omens when he wanted them. Polyaenus VIII 23, 32 and 33 has Caesar make these remarks on campaign, to encourage the soldiery.

119 Goar, op. cit. (n. 29), 39.

120 Cicero, De nat. deor. 11, 11.

121 e.g. Ann. Max. frag. 2 (Peter) (late-second-century redaction ?).

122 ‘Caesar's Heritage’ (n. 97 above).

123 MRR II, 246, 353, 369, 485. Cichorius, C., Römische Studien (1922), 199CrossRefGoogle Scholar suggests the learned Varro. M. W. Hoffman, ‘The College of Quindecemviri (sacris faciundis) in 17 B.C.’, AJP LXXIII (1952), 289 is probably wron g to think that Dio XLII, 51, 4 shows Caesar was one himself.

124 Caesar's Latin descent might be thought to make him unsympathetic to Etruscan religion. But Horsfall, N., ‘Corythus: the Return of Aeneas in Virgil and his Sources’, JRS LXIII (1973), 68Google Scholar thinks the legend that Dardanus (and so ultimately Aeneas) came from an Etruscan city may be the invention of a late Republican antiquarian. If we accept the views of J. Heurgon, ‘Inscriptions Étrusques de Tunisie’, CRAI (1969), 526, it was known by around Sulla's time. There is no evidence however that Caesar adopted it.

125 De div. 11, 28.

126 Appian, BC IV, 4; not impossible for an old man with a weak heart, but cf. Vit. X Orat. 847B, Vit. Sophocl. 14 (Pearson) (refs. kindly given me by Dr. J. Fairweather).

127 Servius, Ecl. IX, 46. Gundel, RE IX A, 1 prefers the form Vulcanius; Torelli, Elogia, 122 equates the man with the ‘C. Vulcatius C.f. har.’ of ILLRP 186 (from Rome).

128 Plutarch, Sulla 7; cf. John of Antioch, from Livy and Diod. Sicul. (or Plutarch ?), who clearly sees a change for the worse: Walton, F. R., ‘A Neglected Historical Text’, Historia XIV (1965), 240;Google ScholarLatte, K., ‘Randbemerkungen’, Philol. LXXXVII (1932), 269Google Scholar.

129 Cicero, Cat. III, 9.

130 op. cit. (n. 90), 193. Perperna was the last of all who had been senators when he was censor (Dio XLI, 14, 5) and perhaps the last of his family. Etruscan saecula were calculated, said some, from the origin of a state to the latest death among those born the same day, and so onwards.

131 Amm. Marc. XXV, 2, 7.

132 Dio XLV 7, 1; 17, 4.

133 Pliny, NH 11, 94.

134 Etruria's tenth her last, Censorinus 17, 6.

135 Weinstock argues, op. cit. (n. 90), 191, that there was already in Caesar's time New Age propaganda, as later marked for us by the Fourth Eclogue and the Secular Games. He admits there is no evidence, and it seems more likely that with many experts in the disciplina against him, Caesar avoided the subject. As far as we know, he had no plans to celebrate the Secular Games, which fell due in 46 (or on another reckoning 49); though these were more Greek than Etruscan in character (for the Games of 17, Ed. Fraenkel, , Horace (1957), 364).Google Scholar

136 Ad Att. XVI, 8, 2: ‘Caecinam quendam Volaterranum’, clearly unknown to Cicero in spite of his links with the family and town.

137 A Maecenas went to Campania with Octavian in autumn 44; if Nic. Dam. 31, 133 rightly gives him the praenomen L., perhaps father of the famous C. Maecenas L. f. (ILS 7848). Matius and a Saserna, for whom see Appendix, advanced money for Octavian's Games in 44, but one of the Sasernae was with Antony at Mutina, ad Att. XV, 2, 3, Phil. XIII, 28.

138 op. cit. (n. 16). Maecenas' connection with Arretium could have influenced the choice of base, but Sordi recognizes its strategic position and that it may still have manufactured arms, as in Livy XXVIII, 45, 16. In fact Octavian may have recruited, as in Campania, largely from Caesar's veteran colonies, including Arretium (so Syme, RR, 125). We note Caesennius Lento was for Antony, Phil. XII, 23.

139 Harris, op. cit. (n. 16), 299, the location of the fighting in a sense an accident. Jones, G. D. B., ‘Southern Etruria 50–40 B.C.’, Latomus XXII (1963), 773Google Scholar suggests preliminary fighting at Veii.

140 Appian, BC v, 48–9; Dio XLVIII, 14. Propertius 11, 1, 29: ‘eversosque focos antiquae gentis Etruscae’.

141 Suetonius, Aug. 14; 96, 2.

142 Dio XLVIII, 14, 5–6. Juno of Falerii may have been long ago evocata (like her of Veii), De Sanctis, G., Storia dei Romani IV, 2, 1, 139;Google Scholar so perhaps Minerva of Falerii, Ovid, , Fasti III, 843Google Scholar. In restored Perusia Vulcan became the tutelary deity, Appian, BC V, 49; his temple had survived, Dio, loc. cit.

143 I have not seen Y. Roé d'Albert, ‘Recherches sur la Prise de Veies et sur Juno Regina’, Ann. de l'ÉPHÉ, IVe section, 1975, said to be relevant to the Perusia affair.

144 Dio XLIX, 15, 1.

145 Harris, op. cit. (n. 16), 302. The old Etruscan cities were spared settlements after Philippi, perhaps because many substantial veterans were returning to them (Pfiffig, op. cit. (n. 34)). But there was colonization in the area, now and later, which probably reflected or caused discontent. If Florentia is triumviral, note there were (not surprisingly) haruspices available for the foundation rites at which they were expert, Die Schriften der r. Feldmesser (1848–52), 349, 15.

146 The coloured fleeces of the sheep, lines 43–5, recur in a frag, of Tarquitius' Ostentaria, ap. Macrobius, Sat. III, 7, 2. One would like to believe Virgil really studied with him as Catalepton V, 3 implies. Now that we no longer suppose that Tarquitius was based on Tarquinii (n. 61 above) we might note that the language of Macr., Sat. III, 20, 2, if pressed, which perhaps it should not be, would make Tarquitius a Roman pontifex. Hardly pre-Caesarian if so ? The family is of sufficient standing in Rome for this.

147 A votes told him during the Sicilian War that a fish which jumped out of the sea at his feet signified Sextus' defeat, Pliny, NH IX, 55. Favourable exta (not surprising) before Actium, ibid. XI, 195.

148 Suetonius, Aug. 90, 92.

149 ibid., 29. That they were kept together would be some confirmation that the xvviri were in charge of both.

150 Torelli, Elogia, 194, and ‘Per la storia dell'Etruria in età imperiale’, RFIC XCIX (1971), 489, a propos of Liou, B., Praetores Etruriae XV Populorum, Coll. Latomus CVI (1969)Google Scholar. It is awkward that neither Cicero's six nor Valerius Maximus' ten for the number of noble youths to be taught the disciplina in each city (above, n. 58) will fit well into an ordo of 60 haruspices from a League either of twelve, or, as now, fifteen towns. Tacitus, Ann. IV, 55 mentions an Etruriae decretum about links with Lydia that may go back to the days of independence (the Asian cities here are all producing ancient documents), but if not it shows that the revived League must be pre-Claudian. Some of its inscriptions may be so too.

151 Aen. VIII, 494–5: ‘ergo omnis furiis surrexit Etruria iustis,/regem ad supplicium praesenti Marte reposcunt’; cf. 501–2. For Virgil's integration of Etruria into Italy and the Roman tradition, see Sordi, M. and others in Contributi dell'Istituto di Storia Antica 1 (1972)Google Scholar. She suggests that Properties is more pessimistically aware of the death of Etruria, Horace prefers the Oscan side of Rome's heritage. D. Musti has suggested that in spite of his desire to write on Etruria Dionysius played down Etruscan traditions in Rome. For Augustus and Etruria, see also I. Bitto, ‘Municipium Augustum Veiens’, Riv. Star. dell'Ant. I (1971), 109.

152 Syme, R., Historia IV (1955), 57;Google Scholar Torelli, ‘Senatori’, 299. If not from Siena (Saena), from Volaterrae, whence CIL XI, 1742 ?

153 Mazzarino, S., ‘Sociologia del mondo etrusco e problemi della tarda etruscità’, Historia VI (1957), 98Google Scholar.

154 ‘Senatori’, 339.

155 A friend of Germanicus, he boasted of his legions’ loyalty to Tiberius. He committed suicide, Tacitus, Ann. IV, 18. RE III A, 74.

156 I am indebted to Dr. J. A. North for reading and criticizing an earlier draft of this paper, and for comments to the members of seminars at the Institute of Classical Studies, London, and at Cambridge, to whom a version was read.