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The World of the Panhellenion II. Three Dorian Cities*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

A. J. Spawforth  and
Susan Walker
A. J. Spawforth
Affiliation:
University of Newcastle upon Tyne
Susan Walker
Affiliation:
Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, The British Museum
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Extract

The first part of this study (hereafter Panhellenion I) considered the nature of Hadrian's Panhellenion by looking at its known membership and activities and its social context, and reviewed the impact of the league's foundation on Athens, its capital city, and Eleusis, Attica's most prestigious sanctuary.

Here we concentrate on three Dorian member-cities: Sparta and Argos in the province of Achaia, and Cyrene in Crete-and-Cyrene. In doing so we sometimes need to go beyond the evidence relating specifically to the Panhellenion, since certain features of Greek city-life under the Antonines are best explained in the larger framework of Hadrian's initiatives in the Greek world: in particular a pre-occupation with civic origins, relations of kinship (syngeneia) and recognition through ‘diplomacy’ of the historic primacy of Achaia's most famous cities. In the archaeology of Cyrene and Argos it is possible to discern, as at Athens, a phase of urban development which owed its impetus to Hadrian and which, at Cyrene, embraced a marked archaism of style.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 76 , November 1986 , pp. 88 - 105
Copyright
Copyright © A. J. Spawforth 1986. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Spawforth, A. J. and Walker, S., ‘The World of the Panhellenion. I. Athens and Eleusis’, JRS IXXV (1985), 78–104Google Scholar.

2 Spartan history under the principate will be explored fully by A. Spawforth in a forthcoming book with Paul Cartledge on Hellenistic and Roman Sparta and Laconia.

3 Undated: Head, B. V., BMC Phrygia (1906), 396, nos. 22 and 26Google Scholar; 397, nos. 28–9. Dated: Woodward, A. M., Studies presented to D. M. Robinson II (1953), 870, 8a–b (Pius and Gordian III)Google Scholar; Head, op. cit., 405, no. 66; 406, nos. 69–73 (Gallienus). See too Steph. Byz., s.v. Σύνναδα, with the remarks of Robert, L., Villes d'Asie Mineure (1935, repr. 1962), 252 n. 1Google Scholar. For the contents of Robert's promised book on the foundation-legends of Synnada and other cities, which regrettably did not appear before his death, see Hellenica VIII (1960), 90–1Google Scholar.

4 Five fragments are presently attested: A = IG III, 55; B = IG 112 (these two were first associated by P. Graindor, REG XXXI (1918), 227–37); C, D and E: respectively D. Geagan, TAPhA CIII (1972), 158–60, a (= IG 112, 2291c), b and c. Foundation-legend: fragments D and B respectively.

5 REG LXXIX (1966), 357–8, no. 144.

6 Oliver, no. 50.

7 Graindor, art. cit. (n. 4), 229.

8 Frag. B, 15–16: καὶ [ἐπιμελείσθω---- τῆς άναθέσεως τῆ]ς στήλης κλ Ἄτταλος [----]. Frag. A, 13–14: [τοὺς πολ]ίτας ὴμῶν κλαύδι[ό]ν τε Ἄτταλ[ο]ν [. ]Ν[----καὶ]Κλ. Πείσωνα Τερτυλλεῖνον. Geagan, art. Cit. (n. 4), 154 n. 53 plausibly suggested the restoration Ἄτταλ[ο]ν [Ἀ]ν[δράγαθον].

9 See BMC Phrygia, 398–9, nos. 35–6.

10 MAMA VI, no. 374.

11 Refs. at PIR 2 C 797, where the logistes is wrongly identified with the sophist P. Claudius Attalus of Phocaea: see Buckler and Calder, MAMA, ibid.

12 J. and L. Robert, art. cit. (n. 5), 358–9, no. 144.

13 Archonship: Panhellenion I, 91.

14 IG v, I, 452 with p. 303, add. et corr.; SEG XI, add. et corr. 771; J. and L. Robert, REG LXVII (1954), 131–2 n. 118; Geagan, art. cit. (n. 4), 153–4 n. 4; Follet, S., Athènes au IIe et au IIIe siècles (1976), 192 n. 8. The name and titles of Andragathus appear here (II. 1–4) as [Ὁ ἱερεὺς τ]ῆς Ὁμονοίας τῶν/ [Ἑλλήνων] καὶ τοῦ ʾEλευθερίου/[Διὸς Ὀλ]υμπίου Κλαύδιος Ἄτ/[ταλος Ἀνδρ]άγαθος, the lengths of these four lines being evidently shorter than earlier commentators have allowed. Coins: Head, Historia Numorum 2, 686.Google Scholar

15 SEG XI, 491, 3–5 with A. Spawforth, ABSA LXXIII (1978), 251–2.

16 Woodward, ABSA XXVI (1923–1925), 180; S. Jameson, ANRW 11, 7, 2 (1980), 852.

17 Steph. Byz., s.v. Ἀλάβανδα.

18 T. Mionnet, Supplément VI, 443, no. 42; BMC Caria, p. XXX. Note too Alabanda's syngeneia with Carystus: IG XII, 9, 4, II. 7–8.

19 D. Musti, ASNP XXXII (1963), 235 with n. 22. In the early principate, note Le Bas-Waddington, , Inscriptions grecques et latines … (1870, repr. 1972), 358a, 11. 1–2.Google Scholar

20 IG v, 1, 47 (Oliver, no. 48), 4–5.

21 L. Robert, CRAI 1970, 6.

22 cf. Moretti, L., Iscrizioni agonistiche greche (1953), nos. 50, 59, 77, 79 and 84.Google Scholar

23 IG V, I, 495. On this Spartan family see now A. Spawforth, ABSA LXXX (1985), 239–43.

24 [Ps.] Arist. XXV, 32 (Keil): καὶ τὸν μὲν τῶν Ἁλι〈εί〉 ων Ἀγῶνα ποιήσετε, καὶ τὸ χωρίον μεμένηκε σῶν οὗ ποιήσετε. Date of earthquake: see Behr, C. A., Aelius Aristides and the Sacred Tales (1968), 15–16 n. 44.Google Scholar

25 Arist. xxiv, 24 (Keil): τοῦτο μὲν τοίνυν εἰς τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πόλιν Ἀποβλέψατε Ὁμόφυλον ὑμῖν οὖσαν …

26 FGH II, A 463, 9.

27 As is implied by the archonship of the Rhodian M. Cocceius Timasarchus: Panhellenion I, 87.

28 cf. Isoc, Paneg. 39–44.

29 IG v, I, 37b, 12–17 (SEG xi, 481): ΚαλλικράιηςἈπελλάκωνος, πρέσβυς / συναρχείας ἐπὶ Νεικία, πρεσβευτὴς εἰς/Τ̣ά̣ραντα, καὶ τειμηθεεὶς ταῖς τειμαῖς καὶ χρυσοῦ διδομέ [ν]/ου οὈκ Ὀλίγου οὐ προσήκαιο, καθὼ[ς/ἐ]μαρτυρήθη. Nicias: Chrimes, K. M. T., Ancient Sparta (1949), 466Google Scholar.

30 Gasperini, L., ‘Un buleuta alessandrino a Taranto’, Alessandria e il mondo ellenico-romano. Studi in onore di A. Adriani (1984), 476–9Google Scholar, where (477 n. 8) IG v, 1, 37b is wrongly assigned to the reign of Commodus. For foreigners as xystarchs at Sparta see Robert, L., Documents de l'Asie Mineure méridionale (1966), 100–5Google Scholar; Moretti, op. cit. (above n. 22), no. 84c, 1. 27.

31 SEG xi, 501 (Oliver, no. 2) with Groag, E., Die römischen Reichsbeamten von Achaia bis auf Diokletian (1939), col. 71.Google Scholar

32 SEG xi, 500, 4.

33 ibid. 1. 3: συνπατρονόμος θεῷ Λυκούργῳ.

34 First patronomate: IG v, i, 66 (SEG xi, 524), 13; 67, 2; SEG xi, 496, 5; 497, 2; 500, 3; dated by Woodward, art. cit. (n. 16), 191, ‘not later than the middle of the second century’, by Chrimes, op. cit. (n. 29), to c.140/1. Second patronomate: IG v, 1, 45, 2–5; thought by Woodward, ABSA xxvii (1925–1926), 227 to be in question in SEG xi, 500 (but with no good reason).

35 Robert, art. cit. (n. 21), 10 with n. 6.

36 See e.g. the remarks of D'Arms, J., Romans on the Bay of Naples (1970), 142–52Google Scholar; Hardie, A., Statius and the Silvae (1983), esp. ch. 1Google Scholar. For Puteoli in the second century see D'Arms, , JRS lxiv (1974), 104–24.Google Scholar

37 IG v, 1, 39, 34; SEG xi, 498, 5–6; Woodward, ABSA xliii (1948), 257–8, suggesting a date for this patronomate of c.155; Chrimes, op. cit. (n. 29), 466 proposed one c. 166/7. For the senator see PIR 2 C 1044; Halfmann, H., Die Senatoren aus dem östlichen Teil des Imperium Romanum (1979), 161–2, no. 73Google Scholar. Athenian tie: IG ii/iip2, 4071 with the emendation of l. 17 by Groag, op. cit. (n. 31), col. 119.

38 See A. Spawforth, ABSA lxxv (1980), 203–8.

39 Herald: Panhellenion I, 91 n. 74. Ambassador: IG in, 485, where Μάρκου Τιγελ λίου / [Λούτιπου] can be restored in 11. 6–7.

40 IG v, 1, 71, col. iii, b, 11. 18 and 25 with Woodward, ABSA xliii (1948), 258–9; C. Habicht, MDAI(I) ix/x (1959–1960), 109–25. On Charax see now the excellent monograph by Andrei, O., A. Claudius Charax di Pergamo (1984).Google Scholar

41 FGH, no. 103.

42 Polyb. ix, 1, 4; 2, 1–2.

43 See the concluding remarks of Andrei, op. cit. (n. 40), 121–37.

44 Habicht, ibid. (n. 40).

45 For Lucian's familiarity with the Sparta of his day see Salt. 10–12; Anach. 38. On Pausanias, see now Habicht, C., Pausanias's Guide to Ancient Greece (1985).Google Scholar

46 Pera, R., Homonoia sulle monete da Augusta agli Antonini (1984), 110–15Google Scholar, who puts to one side the single coin of Smyrna, reported by Mionnet, Description iii, 233 n. 1306, commemorating homonoia with Athens in the strategia of Heracleides, but evidently bearing the name and portrait of M. Aurelius.

47 Panhellenion i, 81.

48 Notably in his Panathenaic speech, for which see Oliver, J. H., The Civilizing Power (1968)Google Scholar.

49 Philostr., VS 533.

50 IGRR iv, 1436 with the remarks of H. Pleket, ZPE xx (1976), 9–15.

51 Pera, ibid. (n. 46).

52 SEG xi, 491.

53 See R. Meister, JÖAI xxvii (1932), Beiblatt 243; Robert, L., ‘Les juges étrangers dans la cité grecque’, Xenion. Festschrift für P.J. Zepos (1973), 765–82Google Scholar.

54 SEG xi, 493, 6 (Isochrysus), dated ἐπὶ Κλαυδίου Ἀριστοτέλους, Aristoteles holding office c. 148/9: Chrimes, op. cit. (n. 29), 366. Eutychus: IG v, 1, 39 (SEG xi, 526), 7–10, his previous post falling ἐπὶΚασ(κελλίου) Ἀριστοτέλους, who held office probably c. 150–60 (see below, section on Cyrene).

55 SEG xi, 496, 4–5 (early in the reign of Pius) and IG v, 1, 819, re-edited by L. Robert, BCH lii(1928), 417–18, and dating shortly before the Parthian war of 163–6. The destination of this dikastagogos was restored by R. as .

56 e.g., Sparta: SEG xi. 468–9 and 472; Klio xv (1918), 33–4. no. 54Google Scholar and xviii (1923). 284–5 no. 37; Alabanda: IG xii, 9, 4; Samos: Robert, L., Hellenica xi–xii (1960), 204–13Google Scholar; SEG 1, 363; C. Habicht, AM lxxii (1957), 233–41. Generally, see Robert, art. cit. (n. 53).

57 The best evidence comes from a series of dedications in the sanctuary of Zeus Osaga in Mylasan territory by visiting judicial embassies: Le Bas-Waddington, op. cit. (n. io), nos. 349; 351 = A. W. Persson, BCH xlvi (1922), 415–16, no. 201; 352; 358; 353–6 = Meister, art. cit. (n. 53), Beiblatt, d, f, h, i, k; G. Doublet and G. Deschamps, BCH xiv (1890), 620 ff., nos. 19–21 = Meister, loc. cit., a, b, c. Two of these dedications (Le Bas-Waddington, 358 and Meister, a) are firmly dated respectively by the pro-consulships of Caesennius Paetus (93/4) and the historian Tacitus (c.112/13): Eck, W., Senatoren von Vespasien bis Hadrian (1970), 144, 146Google Scholar.

58 See P. Cartledge, ‘Sparta and Samos: a Special Relationship?’, CQ n.s. xxxii (1982), 243–65.

59 Or. xliv, 6.

60 cf. Strab. viii, 6, 18, classing Sparta and Argos as the ‘most famous’ (ἐνδοξόταται) of the Peloponnesian cities.

61 Briefly, Bowie, E. in Finley, M. I. (ed.), Studies in Ancient Society (1974), 172Google Scholar; Tigerstedt, E. N., The Legend of Sparta in Classical Antiquity ii (1971), 168–264.Google Scholar

62 Note the remarks of Baladié, R., Le Péloponnèse de Strabon (1980), 290–5Google Scholar.

63 Selge: Polyb. v, 76; Strab. xn, 7, 3; Gaebler, H., Zeitschrift für Numismatik xxxix (1929), 294–5Google Scholar with pl. iii, no. 6 (homonoia between Selge and Sparta under Decius); Cibyra: Panhellenion I, 82; Nysa: Strab. xiv, i, 46; Amblada: H. von Aulock, Münzen und Städte Pisidiens, MDAI(I) Beiheft 19 (1977), 22–3 and 59–63; Sagalassus: Woodward, art. cit. (n. 3), 870, no. 7; Tabae (?): Steph. Byz., s. v. Τάβαι; Robert, L., La Carte ii (1954), 88 with n. 7Google Scholar; Alabanda and Synnada: see above.

64 As suggested by Woodward, art. cit. (n. 3), 879–83 (see the remarks of Robert, loc. cit. (n. 14)).

65 I Mace, xii, 7–8 and 19–23.

66 Polyb. IX, i, 4. Cf. Asclep. Myrl., ap. Sex. Empir., adv. gramm. i, 252–3, categorizing genealogy as ‘false history’.

67 See, for instance, the remarks of Gabba, E., ‘True History and False History in Classical Antiquity’, JRS lxxi (1981), 50–62.Google Scholar

68 Below, n. 123. Note the diplomacy of Lampsacus with Rome in 196/5 b.c.: SIG 3, 591 with Sherk, R. K., Rome and the Greek East to the Death of Augustus (1984), no. 4, n. 3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

69 In 124/5 and 128/9: IG v, 1, 32a, 9–12; 486, 5–9; SEG xi, 492, 5–6 and 8–9; 630; see J. Bingen, BCH lxxvii (1953), 642–6.

70 IG v, 1, 32b, 13–14; 33, 5; 1314b, 26; SEG xi, 489. 5.

71 Spawforth, art. cit. (n. 15), 251–2. L. Robert conjectured that Roman Sparta owed her possession of Cretan Caudus (SEG xi, 494, 1) and Messenian Corone (IG v, 1, 34 (SEG xi, 479), n; 36 (SEG xi, 486), 24–5; 44 (SEG xi, 486), 7–8; SEG xi, 495, 5–6) to ‘faveurs d'Hadrien’: Hellenica 1 (1940), 112.Google Scholar

72 IG v, 1, 381–404; D. Evangelidis, Arch. Eph. 1911, 198, nos. 4–5; SEG xi, 763 and xiii, 256. J. H. Oliver also proposed to identify Hadrian as the author of a fragmentary Roman document addressed to the Spartans: IG v, i, 21, with Oliver, , Hesperia xxxix (1970), 332–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar and AJPh c (1979), 548–9. The resumption of Sparta's bronze coinage under Hadrian would also have required the emperor's permission: Hoerschelmann, S. Grunauer-von, Die Münzprägung der Lakedaimonier (1978), 81.Google Scholar

73 Plassart, A., Fouilles de Delphes iii, 4 (1970), 70–83, no. 302, col. ii, ll. 1–6.Google Scholar

74 Paus. x, 8, 4 omits Sparta from his list of the league's membership in his day; see Daux, G., Recueil Plassart (1976), 66 and 77Google Scholar.

75 See now Applebaum, S., Jews and Greeks in Ancient Cyrene (1979).Google Scholar

76 Fraser, P. M., ‘Hadrian and Cyrene’, JRS xl (1950), 77–90Google Scholar, and Reynolds, J. M., ‘Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and the Cyrenaican cities’, JRS lxviii (1978), 111–21Google Scholar. For the archaeological evidence see Goodchild, R. G., Kyrene und Apollonia (1971).Google Scholar

77 Reynolds, art. cit., 113, ll. 2–12.

78 ibid., 11. 29–30: συνελθεῖν καὶ συναυξῆσαι τ[ὴν ὑμετέραν πόλιν καὶ οὐ μόνον ο]ἰ̣κήτορας ἀλλα/καὶ οἱκιστὰς γενέσθαι τῆς πατρίδος.

79 For the problematic meaning here of Ἀχαιόν see Reynolds, art. cit. (n. 76), 116. Perhaps the Laconian colonists of Thera were later believed to have included elements from Laconia's pre-Dorian—that is, Achaean —population.

80 Hellenica xi–xii (1960), 547 n. 5.Google Scholar

81 Reynolds, art. cit. (n. 76), 118–19, referring to an unpublished fragment from Cyrene containing the words Ἀγωγὰν καὶ σοφ[ίαν], παιδέας and παρὰΛακεδαιμο[νίων], which on palaeographical grounds she tentatively assigned to a date ‘a good deal earlier than Hadrian’, but which she now considers to be Hadrianic (personal communication).

82 See in this sense Andrei, op. cit. (n. 40), 135–6 n. 58, pointing also to signs of literary interest in Cyrene's history in the same period.

83 Priest: CIG in, 5144, 11. 14–15 = Oliverio, G., Documenti antichi dell'Africa Italiana 11: Cyrenaica 1 (1933), 98–9, no. 64Google Scholar, and IGRR 1, no. 1030 = Oliverio, op. cit., 224, no. 4, 11. 8–9; this priest is to be distinguished (see G. Pugliese Carratelli, ASAA xxxix–Xl (1961–1962), 359, stemma ii) from a homonym in Oliverio, op. cit., 285, no. 11. Ephebes: SEG ix, 128, 28 and 46, respectively the Cascellii Gemellus and Atticus. Note Cicero's acquaintance M. Cascellius, a Roman resident in Asia and usually understood as a businessman: ad Q. fr. 1, 2, 3; RE 3. 2 (1892), col. 1637, no. 5; Wiseman, T. P., New Men in the Roman Senate (1971), 199 n. 2Google Scholar. Negotiatores at Cyrene: Reynolds, J. M., JRS lii (1962), 98, no. 4, 11. 6–7 with commentary.Google Scholar

84 G. Oliverio, ASAA xxxix–xl (1961–1962), 246, no. 44, and 258, 70 bis, with 257, no. 69, with the remarks of Reynolds, art. cit. (n. 76), 118.

85 SEG ix, 173, with Robert, L., Hellenica 1 (1940), 11–13Google Scholar:

[–] Μ. Ạὐρῃλίου [[Κομμόδου]] Ἀντωνείνου

[Σε]βαστοῦ Δ. Κασκέλλιος Ἀριστοτέλ[ης]

[ἱε]ρεὺς καλλιέτης καί

[.] Κασκέλλιος Ἀριστοτέλης ΝΑṆ[–]

[ἐφ’] ὧν ὸ ṿεῶς ἐγένετο καὶ ἀφ[ιερώθη].

86 SEG ix, 189 = G. Oliverio, art. cit. (n. 84), 230, no. 9b, 9–12.

87 Compare the inscription on the Arch of Hadrian at Athens, discussed in Panhellenion I, 93.

88 IG v, 1, 39, 24–5; 69, 1; 70, 1; 71, col. iii, 9–10, 13, 19, 22, 26, 30; SEG xi, 554 (cf. 526). Identification: Woodward, art. cit. (n. 37), 258. Date: id., 258 (c.150); Chrimes, op. cit. (n. 29), 467 (c.162/3).

89 Woodward, ibid. The Cascellii at Ephesus (SIG 3 833, 14) and Blaundus (SEG xiv, 617) probably also derived their nomen from a Roman businessman; see above, n. 83.

90 Robert, op. cit. (n. 80).

91 But note IG v, 1, 5, a Spartan proxeny decree of mid-Hellenistic date for a Cyrenaean.

92 L. Bacchielli, Arch. Class, xxxi (1979), 158–64, drawing on Robert, L., AEphem 1969, 30–4Google Scholar, and Moretti, L., Epigraphica xxxi (1969), 139–43.Google Scholar

93 Reynolds, art. cit. (n. 76), 114, 1. 54 with p. 119: [–Κασ]ύδιον Ίᾴσ̣[ονα–].

94 Panhellenion I, 99–100.

95 Benjamin, A. S., ‘Two dedications in Athens to archons of the Panhellenion’, Hesperia xxxvii (1968), 338–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Oliver, 101, no. 10.

96 G. Oliverio, ASAA xxiii (1961), 363, no. 46 = Robert, art. cit. (n. 92), 30–4, and Oliverio, ibid., 237–9, nos. 25b and 26.

97 Note too the somewhat later Cyrenaean called M. Iulius Cocceianus Peithagoras Plato: Reynolds, J. M., Libyan Studies vi (1974–1975), 21–3Google Scholar. For archaizing fashions in nomenclature at this time see E. Bowie in Finley (ed.), op. cit. (n. 61), 199–200.

98 Bacchielli, art. cit. (n. 92). Mingazzini, P., L'Insula di Giasone Magno a Cirene (1966)Google Scholar; Reynolds, art. cit. (n. 76), 118.

99 Bacchielli, art. cit. (n. 92), 161. Some sculptures are now in the collections of the British Museum: A. Smith, BM Cat. Sculpture 11, nos. 1463 (Pius), 1464 (Marcus), 1465 (Lucius Verus), 1466 (torso of Hadrian). See most recently Huskinson, J., Roman Sculpture from Cyrenaica in the British Museum, CSIR II, i (1975), nos. 73, 77, 79 and 70 respectivelyGoogle Scholar. A portrait of the elder Faustina is in Cyrene Museum: Rosenbaum, E., Cyrenaican Portrait Sculpture (1960), no. 48Google Scholar; for those identified as Jason Magnus, see nos. 68 and 69.

100 Bacchielli, art. cit. (n. 92), 161, tav. Ixiii, 1. See also Stucchi, S., Architettura Cirenaica (1975), 297, fig. 305 and 326, fig. 339.Google Scholar

101 See n. 96.

102 SEG ix, 161 = Moretti, art. cit. (n. 92), no. 5. On the baths, see Goodchild, op. cit. (n. 76), 128–33. On the temple, see R. G. Goodchild, J. M. Reynolds, C. J. Hetherington, PBSR n.s. xiii (1958), 35 = Moretti, ibid. The interior of the cella was at this time adorned with an order of Corinthian columns enveloping the cult statue in an apparently deliberate evocation of the earliest use of the order.

103 See Moretti, L., Olympionikai (1957), 168, no. 889Google Scholar with Moretti, , Epigraphica xxxi (1969), 139–43, no- 7.Google Scholar

104 Moretti, art. cit., no. 6. See Bacchielli, art. cit. (n. 92), 163.

105 See A. Spawforth, ‘Families at Roman Sparta and Epidaurus: Some Prosopographical Notes’, ABSA lxxx (1985), 247–8.

106 e.g. Russell, D. A. and Wilson, N. G., Menander Rhetor (1981), 1, 354, 12 and 19–20Google Scholar; Cassius Dio liii, 27; [Dio Chrys.], Or. xxxvii, 27; Plut., Lyc. 20. 5.

107 SEG ix, 172; see Oliver, 101. The marked emphasis on Apollo Ktistes in inscriptions of this period is a new development.

108 Goodchild, op. cit. (n. 76), 109–28; fig. 13, no. 14.

109 Pugliese Carratelli, art. cit. (n. 83), 361.

110 Temple of Isis: SEG ix, 174 = Vidman, L., Sylloge Inscriptionum Religionis Isiacae et Sarapiacae (1969), 336, no. 805CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See Goodchild, op. cit. (n. 76), 122. Temple of Apollo Nymphagetes: SEG ix, 175; Goodchild, loc. cit., cautions that the inscription is not necessarily in situ.

111 Goodchild, 127, 8; fig. 13, no. 26.

112 SEG ix, 176.

113 E. Groag, RE xvii, 2, 1400, s.v. N. Marcellianus = SEG ix, 174, 175 with p. 121.

114 For this and the observations made in the following paragraph see Stucchi, op. cit. (n. 100) under discussions of the individual sites, and the remarks made in the general discussion of architecture at Cyrene in this period, pp. 318–29. See also J. B. Ward-Perkins, PBSR n.s. xin (1958), 193 on the second-century temple in the Caesareum at Cyrene.

115 See Panhellenion I, 102–3.

116 Stucchi, op. cit. (n. 100), 244. Sear, F., Libyan Studies vi (1974–1975), 9Google Scholar supports Stucchi's view for buildings at Sidi Khrebish.

117 Ward-Perkins, art. cit. (n. 114), 194.

118 Ward-Perkins, J. B., Roman Imperial Architecture2 (1982)Google Scholar contains many references to the impact of the marble trade upon provincial architecture. See also S. Walker, AA 1979, 103–29. Ward-Perkins's articles on detailed aspects of the marble trade are collected in a forthcoming volume.

119 Ward-Perkins, op. cit. (n. 118), 368, who observes, ‘it would not be surprising if further research were to reveal architectural links, too, with Athens and with mainland Greece’.

120 Walker, art. cit. (n. 118), on the export of Pentelic marble elements. See Day, J., An Economic History of Athens under Roman Domination (1942), 197 and 203Google Scholar for exploitation of the Pentelic marble quarries at this period.

121 Strong, D. E.,Libyan Studies iv (1972–1973), 27–35Google Scholar, pls. VII–x. Some of his identifications are disputed by Bonanno, A., Libyan Studies viii (1976–1977), 19–25.Google Scholar

122 For foreign agonistai in the Nemea and also the Heraea of Roman times see Moretti, op. cit. (n. 22), nos. 58–60, 62–3, 65–8, 71–2, 74–7, 79–81, 87–90. Argive ‘colonies’: e.g. (in addition to Aegeae, considered below) Rhodes and Cilician Soli: Polyb. xxi, 24; Aspendus: Strab. xiv, 4, 2 with Stroud, R., ‘An Argive Decree from Nemea concerning Argos’, Hesperia liii (1984), 192–216Google Scholar, esp. 199–202; Mallus: Arr., Anab. n, 5, 9; Strab. xiv, 5, 16; Tarsus: Strab. xiv, 5, 12; L. Robert, BCH ci (1977), 96–116; Curium: Strab. xiv, 6, 3. Note too the local coinages discussed by Robert, ibid. 116–18.

123 For instances of such diplomacy note Arr., Anab. II, 5, 9 (Mallus and Alexander) and Lawrence, A. W., Greek Aims in Fortification (1979), 118Google Scholar, citing an unpublished Hellenistic inscription which refers to diplomacy, on the basis of alleged syngeneia, between Dorian Cytinium and the Ptolemies and Seleucids.

124 See Kahrstedt, U., Das wirtschaftliche Gesicht Griechenlands in der Kaiserzeit (1954), 162–74Google Scholar. Outside links: Kahrstedt, ibid., 78, with Spawforth, ABSA Lxxix (1984), 2487–58 passim (Epidaurus); SEG xvi, 258b and ILS 8863 with Kent, J. H., Corinth 8. iii. The Inscriptions 1926–1950 (1966), no. 224 (Corinth)Google Scholar; Spawforth, , JHS cii (1982), 274–5 (Methone).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

125 Note the intrusion of figures from local mythology into the language of civic administration: e.g. the Argive gerousia styled as η αφó Δαναοῦ κι γφερμησΤρας κι Λυγκεος(IG ivI, 579; SEG xvi, 259; Vollgraff, W., Mnemosyne xLvii, old series (1919), 263 ff., no. 28Google Scholar), the bestowal of Περσέος καὶ Ήρακλέος τιμαί (IG iv, 606, 157ndash;16; BCH XXVIII (1904), 260, no. 2), and the civic title ‘new Hypermestra’ borne by an Argive matron (SEG xvi, 259). Note too the Roman statues of Hypermestra (IG vr, 656) and Danaus, the last paid for by a local notable (Vollgraff, art. cit., 165–6, no. 12; for Tib. Claudius Antigonus see BCH cii (1978), 784). Local families also claimed descent from Perseus and Phoroneus: Spawforth, art. cit. (n. 105), 251–2.

126 Paus. vi, 16, 4.

127 Paus. ii, 17, 6.

128 Aqueduct: W. Vollgraff, BCH xliv (1920), 224; P. Aupert, BCH cvii (1983), 8497–50. Nymphaeum: Vollgraff, BCH LXVIII–IX (1946), 3977–400, nos. 77–8; BCH LXXXII (1958), 516 ff. See also Ginouves, R., Laodicée du Lykos: le Nymphée (1969), 141Google Scholar, and Le Théâtron à Gradins Droits et I'Odéon d'Argos (1972), 2347–6Google Scholar, and a brief survey by S. Walker in the forth coming proceedings of a conference held at the Society of Antiquaries of London in March 1985, entitled Rome in the Greek World: an archaeological approach.

129 See Panhellenion I, 98.

130 For the statue type, see Wegner, M., Das Bildnis des Kaisers Hadrians (1956), 105, 115–16Google Scholar; Taf. 14b. For a similar statue found in a Hadrianic nymphaeum at Perge, Pamphylia, see (with recent bibl.) Alföldi-Rosenbaum, J. Inan-E., Römische und frühbyzantinische Porträtplastik aus der Turhei (1979), 95–7Google Scholar, no. 45 with Taf. 38. 1, 39. 2, 40. 1–2.

131 Vollgraff, art. cit. (n. 128, 1946), no. 9, 401, fig. 3.

132 Paus. II, 19, 4–24, 6. For Pausanias's attitudes in general see now Habicht, op. cit. (n. 45), esp. 124 ff. Much of the following summary is based upon preliminary reports of excavations in the section of BCH devoted to ‘Rapports sur les travaux de I'École Française en Grèce’. The buildings and inscriptions in question are now undergoing detailed study by the excavators.

133 BCH CII (1978), 784, E 92; 782, fig. 19. For the baths near the theatre, see most recently BCH CVI (1982), 637–43, and those near the Agora, BCH CVII (1983), 849–53; plan, p. 848, and CVIII (1984), 846–9.

134 BCH XCIX (1975), 703; CI (1976), 753; CI (1977), 672–3

135 IG IV, 593; for Tib. Claudius Tychicus, see SEG XVI, 253.

136 BCH LXXVIII (1954), 160 ff.; LXXXI (1957), 663 ff.; XCIX (1975), 73; CI (1976), 753; CI (1977), 6727–3 CII (1978), 798.

137 For the grave, see BCH CII (1978), 677–8. For the shrine, BCH CIV (1980), 694; 697, fig. 8. Plut., Pyrrhus 32, 8; Paus. II, 19, 6.

138 Piérart-J.-P., M. Thalmann, Etudes Argiennes, BCH Suppl. (1980), 4597–60Google Scholar. See also BCH cv (1981), 9047–6.

139 Ginouvès, op. cit. (n. 128, 1972), 133–41 (mosaics); 203–4 (date); 204–9 (function).

140 Panhellenion I, 85–6, nos. 32 and 42.

141 W Vollgraff, BCH XXIII (1904), 421–4, no. 6 = L. Robert, BCH CI (1977), 1197–32.

142 Philostr., VS 568 and 524; see Avotins, I., CalStClassAnt IV (1971), 677–71Google Scholar and Robert, art. cit. (n. 141), 125.

143 Note especially IG XII, 9, 4, 11. 7–8 (Carystus and Alabanda); also Strab. IX, 4, 2.

144 cf. Dio Chrys., Or. XXXIII, 51; XXXIV, 10; above, n. 122.

145 Note the remarks of Andrei, op. cit. (n. 40), 132 ff., together with the review by A. Spawforth below.

146 Panhellenion I, 85.

147 Without attempting a complete survey, note the coins struck by Tabae (in 235−8) and Selge (in 249−50) celebrating homonoia with Sparta: respectively Babélon, E., Inventaire sommaire de la collection Waddington (1898), 428, no. 7052 with Robert, loc. cit. (n. 63)Google Scholar; Gaebler, H., Zeitschrift für Numismatik XXXIX (1929), 294–5 with Pl III no 6Google Scholar; also the homonoia with Delphi commemorated by Side under Valerian I: BMC Lycia 297, no. 128 with the observations of Weiss, P., Chiron XI (1981), 322Google Scholar. Note too the continuing reference to syngeneiai on the third-century coinages, as in the case of Alabanda (above n. 18).

148 For the third century see Millar, F., ‘P. Herennius Dexippus: the Greek World and the Third-Century Invasions’, JRS LIX (1969), 12ndash;29Google Scholar; also the remarks of L. Robert, art. cit. (n. 21), 17.

149 Epp. LVII (ed. J.-P. Migne), 76.