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The Itinerarium Burdigalense: Politics and Salvation in the Geography of Constantine's Empire*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 March 2012

Jaś Elsner
Jaś Elsner
Affiliation:
Corpus Christi College, Oxford
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Extract

The shift from a traditional polytheistic dispensation for empire to a Christian-oriented ‘commonwealth’ is unarguably one of the most significant historical processes that took place in the Roman world. Its ramifications were manifold, and not least in the arena of how empire and its territory would come to be conceived within Late Roman and Byzantine culture. In this paper I want to explore the ways one text, written in the lifetime of Constantine, takes a series of traditional forms within the established genres of Graeco-Roman travel-writing and transforms them into a new Christian paradigm not only of travel (in the form of Christian pilgrimage) but also of empire as a territorial concept defined by particular privileged places and their privileged mythologies. The surprise lies, in part, in how swiftly a Christian author was willing implicitly to re-arrange and redefine deeply entrenched institutional norms, while none the less writing on an entirely traditional model. The text I shall be exploring, the Itinerarium Burdigalense (henceforth IB), is an account of a journey to the Holy Land made by an anonymous pilgrim from Bordeaux in A.D. 333.

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Articles
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 90 , November 2000 , pp. 181 - 195
Copyright
Copyright © Jaś Elsner 2000. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 See, for example, Fowden, G., Empire to Commonwealth (1993), 4–11, 80–99.Google Scholar

2 An interesting account of the traditional nature of travel and travel-writing in pre-Christian antiquity is Hartog, F., Mémoire d'Ulysse: Récits sur la frontière en Grèce ancienne (1996).Google Scholar

3 On Holy Land pilgrimage in the early Christian period generally, see Hunt, E. D., Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Late Roman Empire AD 312–460 (1982)Google Scholar and Maraval, P., Lieux saints et pèlerinages d'Orient (1985).Google Scholar

4 The most recent contribution is Hunt, E. D., ‘Were there Christian pilgrims before Constantine?’, in Stopford, J. (ed.), Pilgrimage Explored (1999), 25–40, with bibliography.Google Scholar

5 See for example Wilkinson, J., ‘Jewish holy places and the origins of Christian pilgrimage’, in Ousterhout, R. (ed.), The Blessings of Pilgrimage (1990), 41–53Google Scholar; Taylor, J. E., Christians and the Holy Places: The Myth of Jewish-Christian Origins (1993), 321–30.Google Scholar

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10 Douglass, L., ‘A new look at the Itinerarium Burdigalense’, Journal of Early Christian Studies 4 (1996), 313–33, esp. 315, 327–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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12 An exception, though confined to third- and fourth-century ‘travellers’ navigational tools' is Douglass, op. cit. (n. 10), 317–20.

13 For a somewhat over-inclusive repertoire of literary sources on and from Gaul between 284 and 395, see P.-M. Duval, La Gaule jusqu'au milieu du Ve siècle (1971), 513–662 (with discussion of IB at 558–60).

14 On Bordeaux in the fourth and fifth centuries, see Etienne, R., Bordeaux antique (1962)Google Scholar; Barrard, D. and Gaidon, M.-A., Villes et agglomérations urbaines antiques du sud-ouest de la Gaule (1992), 43–8, 355–64Google Scholar; Sivan, H., ‘Town and country in late antique Gaul: the example of Bordeaux’, in Drinkwater, J. F. and Elton, H. (eds), Fifth-Century Gaul: A Crisis of Identity? (1992), 132–44Google Scholar; Sivan, H., Ausonius of Bordeaux (1993), 31–48Google Scholar; Trout, D., Paulinus of Nola (1999), 24–33Google Scholar. On the development of Christian cult in Gaul in the fourth century, see Rouselle, A., Croire et guérir: la foi en Gaule dans l'Antiquité tardive (1990)Google Scholar.

15 On Ausonius in the 330s, see Booth, A. D., ‘The academic career of Ausonius’, Phoenix 36 (1982), 329–43, esp. 331–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Sivan, op. cit. (n. 14, 1993), 84. On the schools of Bordeaux (in relation to social mobility and to the vexed argument as to how many professors were there at any one time), see Hopkins, K., ‘Social mobility in the Later Roman Empire: the evidence of Ausonius’, CQ 11 (1961), 239–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Booth, A. D., ‘Notes on Ausonius’ Professores', Phoenix 32 (1978), 235–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Booth, op. cit. (1982); Green, P., ‘Still waters run deep: a new study of the Professores of Ausonius’, CQ 35 (1985), 491–506CrossRefGoogle Scholar; R. Raster, Guardians of Language: The Grammarian and Society in Late Antiquity (1988), 455–62; Sivan, op. cit. (n. 14, 1993), 74–93.

16 An exception to this general trend is the important recent discussion by Bowman, Glenn, ‘“Mapping history's redemption”: eschatology and topography in the Itinerarium Burdigalense’, in Levine, , op. cit. (n. 8), 163–87.Google Scholar

17 Taylor, op. cit. (n. 4), 313; Douglass, op. cit. (n. 10), 315, 329–31; Carruthers, M., The Craft of Thought (1998), 42 and n. 83Google Scholar; Weingarten, S., ‘Was the pilgrim from Bordeaux a woman? A reply to Laurie Douglass’, Journal of Early Christian Studies 7 (1999), 291–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On female pilgrims to Palestine in late antiquity, see Brubaker, L., ‘Memories of Helena: patterns of imperial female matronage in the fourth and fifth centuries’, in James, L. (ed.), Women, Men and Eunuchs (1997), 52–75Google Scholar; Holloway, J. B., Jerusalem: Essays in Pilgrimage and Literature (1998), 31–9Google Scholar; J. A. Smith, ‘Sacred journeyings; women's correspondence and pilgrimage in the fourth and eighth centuries’, in Stopford, op. cit. (n. 4), 41–56.

18 The most recent text is that of Geyer, P. and Cuntz, O. in Itineraria et Alia Geographica, Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina 175 (1965), 1–26Google Scholar. This is effectively a reprint of the text in Cuntz, O., Itineraria Romana (1929), vol. I, 86–102Google Scholar. There are complete translations with commentaries into English by Stewart, A. and Wilson, C., Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society: Itinerary from Bordeaux to Jerusalem (1887)Google Scholar, into German by Donner, H., Pilgerfahrt in Heilige Land (1979), 44–68Google Scholar, and into French by Maraval, P., Récits des premiers pelerins Chretiens au Proche-orient (1996), 11–41Google Scholar. There is a useful partial translation of the Palestine portion into English in Wilkinson, op. cit. (n. 11), 22–34.

19 To divide the Palestinian section as an ‘itinerarium ad loca sancta’ from the opening and closing portions of the text as an ‘ltinerario “laico”’ and labelling these two respectively as IB2and IB1, as does Milani, C., ‘Strutture formulan nell' “Itinerarium Burdigalense’ (a 333)’. Aevum 17 (1983), 99–108Google Scholar, while it shows awareness of the complexity of IB as a text, is none the less an excessive and overly structural response to the challenge of its form.

20 By Heraclea, the pilgrim means Perinthus, which changed its name in the third century but was often known as ‘Heraclea Perinthus’. The town appears as ‘Perinthus’ in the Peutinger Table (a medieval map based on a fourth-century model), but is confusingly close to another town also called ‘Heraclea’ (see the details in K. Miller, Itineraria Romana (1916), 497–8 and 515–16). It appears twice in the third-century Antonine Itinerary — as ‘Heraclea’ at 176.2 and as ‘Perintho Erac’ at 323.5 — but figures as Heraclea (a ‘civitas splendida’ on a par with Constantinople) in the mid-fourth-century Expositio totius mundi et gentium 50.

21 See Milani, op. cit. (n. 19), 99–100.

22 For instance, see Stewart and Wilson, op. cit. (n. 18), 67–8.

23 On itineraria in general, see A. Elter, Itinerarstudien (1908); Kubitschek, W., ‘Itinerarien’, RE 9.2 (1916), 2308–63Google Scholar; Leclercq, H., ‘Itineraires’, DACL 7.2 (1927), 1841–1922 (esp. 1853–8Google Scholar on IB); Fugmann, J., ‘Itinerarium’, Reallexicon für Antike und Christentum 146 (1998), 1–31Google Scholar; O. A. W. Dilke, Greek and Roman Maps (1985), 112–29 with the bibliography in R. Chevallier, Roman Roads (1976), 231–4; Brodersen, K., Terra Cognita, Spudasmata 59 (1995) 165–94Google Scholar.

24 These were aspects of a still broader ‘civilizing ethos’ which combined conquest with empirical inquiry; see (for Gaul) G. Woolf, Becoming Roman (1998), 48–54.

25 On land-measurement in the Roman tradition, see O. A. W. Dilke, The Roman Land Surveyors (1971).

26 On milestones, see Chevallier, op. cit. (n. 23), 39–47; and on other road signs, ibid., 52–3.

27 On Agrippa's map, see Dilke, op. cit. (n. 23), 41–53; Nicolet, C., Space, Geography and Politics in the Early Roman Empire (1991), 95–122 (with bibliography); Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 23), 268–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 See the discussion in Dilke, op. cit. (n. 23), 42–52.

29 See Clarke, K., Between Geography and History: Hellenistic Conceptions of the Roman World (1999), 197–210Google Scholar. The same might be said of Pomponius Mela's mid-first-century A.D. De Chorographia.

30 See Platner, S. and Ashby, T., A Topographical Dictionary of Rome (1929), 342Google Scholar; Brodersen, op. cit. (n. 23), 254–61; Mari, Z., LTUR 3 (1996), 250–1Google Scholar with bibliography.

31 See Sahin, S., ‘Ein Vorbericht über den Stadiasmos Provinciae Lyciae in Patara’, Lykia I (1994), 130–7Google Scholar; SEG 44 (1994), 425Google Scholar. My thanks to George Williamson for this reference.

32 See Heurgon, J., ‘La date des goblets de Vicarello’, Revue des études anciennes 54 (1952), 39–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chevallier, op. cit. (n. 23), 47–50; Dilke, op. cit. (n. 23), 122–4.

33 See Miller, K., Die Peutingersche Tafel (1916)Google Scholar; , A. and Levi, M., Itineraria Picta (1967)Google Scholar; Bosio, L., La Tabula Peutingeriana (1983)Google Scholar; Dilke, op. cit. (n. 23), 113–20. For the visual development of itineraria in the tradition of the IB and the Peutinger Table in the medieval itinerary maps of pilgrimage to the Holy Land, see Connolly, D. K., ‘Imagined pilgrimage in the itinerary maps of Matthew Paris’, Art Bulletin 81 (1999), 598–622CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 See Cumont, F., ‘Fragment de bouclier portant une liste d'étapes’, Syria 6 (1925), 1–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem., Fouilles de Doura Europos 1922–3 (1926), 323–37; Dilke, op. cit. (n. 23), 121–3.

35 Generally on periploi, see Gisinger, F., ‘Periplus’, RE 19 (1938), 841–50Google Scholar and Dilke, op. cit. (n. 23), 130–44.

36 The literature on Hanno is large. For Greek text and English version, see A. Oikonomides and M. Miller, Hanno the Carthaginian: Periplus or Circumnavigation [of Africa] (1995), with bibliography at 140–4; also J. Demerlac and J. Meirat, Hanno et l'empire punique (1983) and C. Jacob, Géographie et ethnographie en Grèce ancienne (1991), 73–84.

37 Text in Müller, C., Geographi Graeci Minores (1882, 3 vols), 1, 15–96Google Scholar.

38 Text, translation, and commentary in L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei (1989).

39 Arrian's ‘Epistle to Hadrian containing a Periplus of the Euxine Sea’ (from the 130s A.D.) is edited and translated into French by Silberman, A., Arrien: Périple du Pont-Euxin (1995)Google Scholar. See the discussion in Stadter, P., Arrian of Nicomedia (1980), 32–41Google Scholar. Other examples, including fragments of Menippus of Pergamon's Augustan periplus and an anonymous sixth-century periplus ponti Euxim are in Diller, A., The Tradition of the Minor Greek Geographers (1952), 118–38, 151–6.Google Scholar

40 The text is in Cuntz, O., Itineraria Romana (1929), vol. 1, 1–85Google Scholar. See Chevallier, op. cit. (n. 23), 34–7; Dilke, op. cit. (n. 23), 125–8; esp. Calzolari, M., ‘Introduzione allo studio delle rete stradale dell' Italia Romana: L' Itinerarium Antonini’, Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei: Memorie ser. 9, vol. 7 (1996), 369–520Google Scholar, with bibliography.

41 See Calzolari, op. cit. (n. 40), 420–2 for a brief discussion of what he calls these ‘annotazioni etnographiche e stonco-mitologiche’.

42 Parallel to the Itinerarium maritimum, and indeed more prolix in its mythological and geographical referencing, is the Stadiasmus maris magni, a Greek periplus of the Mediterranean from the latter part of the third century A.D.Typical entries give places and distances in the form: ‘From Chimo to Glaucon, 80 stades’ (section 6), but numerous examples describe some landscape features and mention significant sites of cult or myth (e.g. the temples at 4, 14, 38, and so forth). For the text, see Müller, op. cit. (n. 37), 1, 427–514.

43 Most recently on Pausanias see Alcock, S., Cherry, J. and Elsner, J. (eds), Pausanias: Travel and Memory in Roman Greece (forthcoming, 2001), with extensive bibliography.Google Scholar

44 On Lucian's De Dea Syria, a brilliant periegesis of a sacred site just north of Palestine, see Elsner, J., ‘Describing self in the language of other: Pseudo(?)-Lucian at the Temple of Hire’, in Goldhill, S. (ed.), Being Greek under Rome: Culture and Identity in the Second Sophistic (forthcoming, 2001)Google Scholar.

45 On the cursus publicus, the official messenger system through the Roman Empire, see Seeck, O., ‘Cursus Publicus’, RE 4 (1901), 1846–63, esp. 1855–6Google Scholar on the evidence of the IB.

46 See Milani, op. cit. (n. 19), 100–3.

47 See Seeck, op. cit. (n. 45), 1855.

48 Outside the Palestine section, these are the enunciations of landscape: 549.7–9: ‘The city of Bordeaux where is the river Garonne in which the ocean ebbs and flows for over 100 leagues, more or less’; 551.1: ‘Here begins the Gaura Mountain’; 555.9: ‘Here begin the Cottian Alps’; 556.1: ‘Here you ascend Matrona (Mont Genêve)’; 560.3: ‘Here rise the Julian Alps’; 561.5: ‘You cross the bridge and enter Lower Pannonia’; 571.9–10: ‘From Constantinople you cross the straight, come to Chalcedon and travel through the province of Bithynia’; 582.11: ‘Here is a city in the sea (Aradus), two miles from the shore’.

49 Interestingly in the case of the two Pannoniae, the transmitted text reverses their correct positions, since the traveller would have come to Pannonia Superior before going on to Pannonia Inferior. This is possibly a scribal error in the mss.

50 The transmitted text, which reads ‘Asiae’ for ‘Daciae’ is surely corrupt, as suggested by Cuntz in Geyer and Cuntz, op. cit. (n. 18) ad. loc.

51 The text is edited by Rougé, J., Expositio totius mundi et gentium, Sources Chrétiens 124 (1966Google Scholar), with discussion of date 9–26.

52 On the omission of Jerusalem, see Rougé, op. cit. (n. 51), 32, and on religion in general, 48–55.

53 This summarizing topos is paralleled in the anonymous Greek Stadiasmos marts magni, dating to c. A.D. 250–300, which regularly gives the total distances of segments of its sea-journey. For instance: ‘Altogether from Alexandria to Petranten is 2,890 stades’ (section 33, cf. 52, 57, 84, and so forth).

54 Sic. i.e. here the halts are given before the changes.

55 The city was laid out in 324 and consecrated in May 330, see R. Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals (1983), 41–67; C. Mango, le développement urbain de Constantinople. 4e–7e siécles (1990), 23–36.

56 See briefly Douglass, op. cit. (n. 10), 321–2 and Bowman, op. cit. (n. 16), 172–3.

57 On the explicit terminology of ‘affect’ (affectio) in Egeria's (later) account of the Holy Land, see Carru thers, op. cit. (n. 17), 43.

58 See Geyer and Cuntz, op. cit. (n. 18), ‘Monitum’, facing p. 1.

59 cf. Bowman, op. cit. (n. 16), 173.

60 On some ways the practical constraints of the cursus publicus may have influenced what the pilgrim saw and failed to see in Palestine, see Weingarten, op. cit. (n. 17), 291–2.

61 The term for ‘bath’ (balneus) is regularly used in the text to mean ‘baptistery’, and very likely refers to the site of Cornelius' baptism. SeeC. Kopp, The Holy Places of the Gospels (1963), 164, n. 40.

62 The bath of Cornelius, probably meaning Cornelius' place of baptism by Peter: Acts 10.1–48; Ahab, Elijah, and Jezreel: I Kings 18.45; David and Goliath: I Samuel 17.41–54; Mt Gerizim (Agazaren in the transmitted text) — the site of the Israelites' blessing when they arrived into the Promised Land: Deuteronomy 11.29 and Joshua 8.33; Abraham's sacrifice of Isaac: Genesis 22.1–18; the tomb of Joseph: Joshua 24.32; the rape of Dinah: Genesis 34.1–2.

63 For example, Matt. 4.7, 10 and Luc. 4.8, 12 at 590.2; Ps. 118.22 and Matt. 21.42 at 590.3–4; Isaiah 1.8 at 592.7; 2 Kings 2.21 at 596.9.

64 On guides in Pausanias, see C. P. Jones, ‘Pausanias and his guides’, in Alcock, Cherry and Elsner, op. cit. (n.43).

65 On the site and its monuments, see Kopp, op. cit. (n. 61), 155–66.

66 See Wilkinson, op. cit. (n. 5), 46 and Wilkinson, op. cit. (n. 11), 5–6.

67 See Wilkinson, op. cit. (n. 5), 27, n. 4.

68 For the importance of memory as both the referent to which these sites direct the pilgrim and as what authenticates them, see Carruthers, op. cit. (n. 17), 42–3.

69 For the text, with Jerome's late fourth-century Latin version on facing pages, see Klostermann, E., Eusebius: Das Onomasticon der Biblischen Ortsnamen (1904, reprinted 1966)Google Scholar. For date, see Barnes, T. D., Constantine and Eusebius (1981), 106–11 with bibliography.Google Scholar

70 For Christian villages, see Barnes, T. D., ‘The Composition of Eusebius' Onomasticon’, JTS 26 (1975), 412–15, esp. 413Google Scholar; Roman garrisons, see Thomsen, P., ‘Palästina nach den Onomasticon des Eusebius’, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 26 (1903), 97–141, 145–88, esp. 162–3Google Scholar.

71 See Groh, D., ‘The Onomasticon of Eusebius and the rise of Christian Palestine’, Studia Patristica 18 (1985), 23–31Google Scholar.

72 Douglass, op. cit. (n. 10), 325–8.

73 Weingarten, op. cit. (n. 17), 292, with nn. 3–4.

74 Bowman, op. cit. (n. 16), 175–7.

75 Barnes, op. cit. (n. 69), 252, takes this to mean that Jews could only enter Jerusalem on one day in the year, to perform this ritual. This is not an impossible reading of the text, but it seems more natural to take the ‘once a year’ as referring simply to the ritual of lamentation at the pierced stone.

76 A point made by Wilken, op. cit. (n. 11), 109–10.

77 As argued against Wilken especially by Bowman, op. cit. (n. 16), 168 and passim.

78 These include the baptistery at Sychar (588.5–6), unless balneus here means ‘bath’; Constantine's basilica at the Holy Sepulchre (594.2–3) and its baptistery (also balneum, 594.4); Constantine's basilica on the Mount of Olives (595.5–6); and Constantine's ‘exceptionally beautiful’ basilica at Mamre (599.5–6).

79 These are the tombs of Joseph at Shechem (587.5–588.1), of Rachel (598.5), of Ezekiel, Asaph, Job, Jesse, David, and Solomon (‘their names are written in Hebrew characters low down on the wall as you go down into the vault’, 598.7–9) and the ‘remarkably beautiful tomb, square and made of stone, in which are buried Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, Sarah, Rebecca, and Leah’ (599.8–9). One might add also the buried foreskins of the Israelites (597.5–6). On Jewish tombs in general, see Wilkinson, op. cit. (n. 5).

80 See Stewart and Wilson, op. cit. (n. 18), viii–ix; Wilken, op. cit. (n. 11), 110.

81 See Bowman, op. cit. (n. 16), 176–7.

82 Ruins in Jerusalem (generally signalled by the formula ubi with the past tense: ‘where X (e.g. the Temple) used to be’): 590.5: Solomon's palace; 591.1: the Temple; 592.4: the house of Caiaphas; 592.5: the column where Christ was scourged; 592.6: David's palace; 592.6–593.1: the seven synagogues of which only one is left, the rest being ‘“ploughed and sown” as was said by the Prophet Isaiah’; 593.2–3: Pilate's house.

83 On Pausanias' ruins, see J. Elsner, ‘From the Pyramids to Pausanias and Piglet: monuments, travel and writing’, in S. Goldhill and R. Osborne (eds), Art and Text in Ancient Greek Culture (1994), 224–54, esp. 244–52 and J. Porter, ‘Ideals and ruins: Pausanias, Longinus and the Second Sophistic’, in Alcock, Cherry and Elsner, op. cit. (n. 43).

84 Here the IB follows the regular usage of old Latin translations of the Bible prior to (and including) Jerome's Vulgate of the 380s. However, before the third century this term appears to have been translated into Latin (using the verb tingere) rather than transliterated: see Roensch, H., Das Neue Testament Tertullian's (1871), 302, 306, 307.Google Scholar

85 Infantes appears to be the usual term for baptizands at this period, see Itinerarium Egeriae 38.1, 39.3 and Augustine, Serm. 228.1. See also Wharton, A., ‘The Baptistery of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and the politics of sacred landscape’, DOP 46 (1992), 313–25, esp. 315Google Scholar.

86 See Itinerarium Egeriae 38.1, 39.3, 45.1–47.1.

87 This is the baptistery of the Holy Sepulchre, on which see Wharton, op. cit. (n. 85) with bibliography.

88 See above. Egeria is even more explicit about Jerusalem as a multi-lingual melting-pot, see Itinerarium Egeriae 47.3–5.

89 On Pausanias and myth, see P. Veyne, Did the Greeks Believe in Their Myths? (1984), 3, 13–14, 95–102.

90 On Herodotus, see Redfield, J., ‘Herodotus the tourist’, CP 80 (1985), 97–118Google Scholar; Gould, J., Herodotus (1989), 86–109Google Scholar; Elsner, op. cit. (n. 83), 230–44.

91 ‘Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God, but him only shalt thou serve’ (a conflation of Matt. 4.5 and Luke 4.8).