Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 February 2022
In 1890, Congress passed the Second Morrill Land-Grant Act, which provided federal resources to support the creation of nineteen Black land-grant colleges. At a historical and political moment when Black Americans faced a violently repressive backlash against what progress they had achieved during Reconstruction, the successful passage and implementation of this legislation was unlikely. How did congressional lawmakers successfully pass the Morrill Land-Grant Act of 1890, and was the expansion of educational opportunity for African Americans a clearly expressed objective? Using historical analysis of primary sources, this analysis suggests that the 1890 legislation’s investment in Black colleges reflected a politically expedient compromise between northern Radical Republicans who supported greater educational access for Black citizens and Southern Democrats who wished to expand higher educational opportunity in their region while also maintaining the segregated racial order of southern educational institutions.
I thank the anonymous reviewers for the Journal of Policy History for their valuable comments on a previous draft of this manuscript. I also thank Sofia Girvin, Dominique Karesh, and A. C. Keesler for their valuable research assistance and the participants of the 2017 Annual Meeting of the International Public Policy Association and the 2018 Annual Meeting of the Southern Political Science Association for valuable comments on earlier iterations of the manuscript.
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2. The First Morrill Land-Grant Act overwhelmingly supported white institutions. Only four states used part of their funding under the 1862 Land-Grant policy to support Black land-grant colleges. Under the 1890 legislation, however, five southern states designated existing publicly supported Black colleges as land-grant institutions, and six states established new public colleges for Black students. Six other states designated existing private Black colleges as land-grant institutions. In all, the 17 of the 69 land-grant colleges receiving support from the Morrill Land-Grant Act were Black colleges. See Edward Danforth Eddy Jr., Colleges for Our Land and Time: The Land-Grant Idea in American Education (1956; repr., New York: Harper & Brothers, 1957), 44, 102–03, 257.
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8. The bulk of the remaining HBCUs were founded during Reconstruction. It was during this period that lawmakers founded Shaw University (1865), Howard University (1867), and other prominent Black colleges. See Jackson and Nunn, Historically Black Colleges and Universities, 3–4.
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21. In 1865, the federal government created the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands—also known as the Freedmen’s Bureau—to extend medical, social, and educational services to more than four million newly freed African Americans. See Philip Dray, Capitol Men: The Epic Story of Reconstruction through the Lives of the First Black Congressmen (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2008), 46–47.
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37. It is important to note that Morrill’s status as the author of the land-grant proposals that bore his name has been a topic of debate. During the early 1850s, higher education reformer and Illinois College professor Jonathan B. Turner drafted a plan for an industrial university, which morphed into a plan for an agricultural college. Central to this plan was the idea that federal support from Congress in the form of land grants could help to expand educational access to the industrial classes of farmers, mechanics, and other laborers. The Second Morrill Act also appeared to reflect the contributions of authors aside from Justin Morrill. Pennsylvania State College President George W. Atherton may have helped to revise—if not draft—the proposals that Morrill presented to Congress in 1873 and 1875. See Williams, The Origins of Federal Support for Higher Education, 37–38; 138; Charles I. Abramson, W. Stephen Damron, Michael Dicks, and Peter M. A. Sherwood, “History and Mission,” in Robert J. Sternberg, ed. The Modern Land-Grant University (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2014), 6; Parsons, Power and Politics, 29.
38. Sanders, Roots of Reform, 316; Mary Summers, “Conflicting Visions: Farmers’ Movements and the Making of the United States Department of Agriculture” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1999).
39. Democratic President James Buchanan was a supporter of slavery who supported southern states’ position on slavery and viewed Black Americans as noncitizens. See Lovett, America’s Historically Black Colleges & Universities, 25.
40. During one such futile attempt to bring the land-grant college proposal to the floor, Rep. Morrill offered a passionate entreaty to his colleagues in the House. After pointing out the dearth of federal policy devoted to agricultural and mechanical interests and recognizing the efforts that foreign nations had taken to promote the education of their students, he characterized the allocation of public lands for higher education as in line with historical precedent: “While agriculture has been a neglected field of legislation, it does not now call for the exercise of novel constitutional power. Congress has long asserted the right to dispose of the public lands to establish school funds and universities, and no one now questions the soundness of such a policy. This measure is but an extension of the same principle over a wider field.” See Cong. Globe, 35th Cong., 1st Sess. 1692–1698 (1858).
41. Parsons, Power and Politics.
42. The Morrill Land-Grant Act of 1862, Pub. L. No. 37-130.
43. The Morrill Land-Grant Act of 1862, Pub. L. No. 37-130; see also, Abramson, et al., “History and Mission,” 8.
44. Abramson, et al., “History and Mission,” 9; Morrill, Archived Papers.
45. Edward Danforth Eddy Jr., Colleges for Our Land and Time, 34.
46. Eddy, Colleges for Our Land and Time, 34.
47. This nod to Justin Morrill’s political acumen may have been an exaggeration. While evidence from the Congressional Globe supports the idea that House deliberations on the “Agricultural Colleges” proposal were surprisingly compact, it also reveals more extensive deliberations in the Senate. See Eddy, Colleges for Our Land and Time, 27; Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 2d Sess. 33, 99 (1861); Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 2d Sess. 2769–2770 (1862); Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 2d Sess. 2275–2279 (1862); Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 2d Sess. 2328–2329 (1862); Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 2d Sess. 2440–2443 (1862).
48. Abramson, et al., “History and Mission,” 8; Parsons, Power and Politics, 30.
49. Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 2d Sess. 2628 (1862).
50. Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 2d Sess. 2629 (1862).
51. Eddy, Colleges for Our Land and Time, 35.
52. Farmers would remain invested in policies that catered to agricultural interests. In addition to their close monitoring of the 1862 land-grant proposal as well as its 1890 follow-up bill, advocates for farming and agriculture supported the 1887 Hatch Act, which gave state land-grant colleges $15,000 each to support the establishment of agricultural experiment stations. In addition to enhancing the relationship between land-grant colleges and farming communities, the policy provided an infusion of federal resources into these institutions. See Sanders, Roots of Reform, 315; Williams, The Origins of Federal Support for Higher Education, 3.
53. Jackson and Nunn, Historically Black Colleges and Universities, 14; Neyland, Leedell W., Historically Black Land-Grant Institutions and the Development of Agriculture and Home Economics 1890-1990 (Tallahassee: Florida A&M University Foundation, 1990), 3 Google Scholar, 16.
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61. Eric Foner and Olivia Mahoney, America’s Reconstruction: People and Politics after the Civil War (New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 1995), 93. Approximately 50 percent of members serving in the South Carolina state house during the Reconstruction era were Black. See Richard M. Valelly, The Two Reconstructions: The Struggle for Black Enfranchisement (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 2004), 3. In 1876, 162 African Americans held political office in the United States (52). As Foner and Mahoney note, “[t]he presence of Black officeholders and their white allies made a real difference in Southern life, ensuring that those accused of crimes would be tried before juries of their peers, and enforcing fairness in such prosaic aspects of local government as road repair, tax assessment, and poor relief.” See Foner and Mahoney, America’s Reconstruction, 94–95. The ascent of Black Americans to positions of political power during Reconstruction proved shocking to many white Americans. As John Marszalek notes about white South Carolinians at the time, they “refused to accept the idea of an equal [B]lack participation in politics and life, so they labeled everything the Reconstruction governments did as corrupt.” See Marszalek, A Black Congressman in the Age of Jim Crow, 5.
62. Valelly, The Two Reconstructions, 3.
63. Millington Bergeson-Lockwood, “No Longer Pliant Tools: Urban Politics and Conflicts over African American Partisanship in 1880s Boston, Massachusetts,” Journal of Urban History 44, no. 2 (March 2018): 169–86; Robinson, Stephen R., “Rethinking Black Urban Politics in the 1880s: The Case of William Gaston in Post-Reconstruction Alabama,” The Alabama Review 66, no. 1 (January 2013): 3–29 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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65. While the historical record suggests that African Americans’ political engagement provided an avenue for advocating for Black political and civil rights, including educational and employment opportunities, evidence does not point to direct lobbying on the part of African American colleges during the Reconstruction period. This may have reflected the tension between the “self-help” approach and the use of state funds, which at times required political concessions. As Stephen Robinson notes in his analysis of the role that William Gaston played in post-Reconstruction Alabama, acquiring state funding sometimes required “compromises,” such as “disengagement with politics in the public sphere.” As a result, some viewed a “self-help” approach characterized by the creation of self-funded, nonsectarian colleges as in line with broader Black political interests. See Joens, David A., “Illinois Colored Conventions of the 1880s,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 110, no. 3–4 (December 2017): 305–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; LeForge, Judy Bussell, “Alabama’s Colored Conventions and the Exodus Movement, 1871-1879,” The Alabama Review 63, no. 1 (January 2010): 3–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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67. Millington Bergeson-Lockwood, “No Longer Pliant Tools,” 173; Robinson, “Rethinking Black Urban Politics.”
68. By the late 1870s, many African Americans were questioning their loyalty to the “Party of Lincoln.” The congressional compromise of 1877 that precipitated the election of President Rutherford B. Hayes in exchange for the removal of federal troops from the South and ongoing efforts to undo newly achieved rights of Black Americans throughout the country led many African Americans to question their loyalty to the Republican Party. See Millington Bergeson-Lockwood, “No Longer Pliant Tools,” 170–72.
69. Millington Bergeson-Lockwood, “No Longer Pliant Tools,” 173.
70. Johnson, Reforming Jim Crow, 15.
71. James D. Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860-1935, 40.
72. 2 Cong. Rec. H616 (daily ed. January 13, 1874) (statement of Rep. Samuel Cox).
73. “A Dangerous Tendency,” The New York Times, September 22, 1874, 4.
74. Dray, Capitol Men, 46–47.
75. See, for example, Michael W. Fitzgerald, Splendid Failure: Postwar Reconstruction in the American South (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2007). In this context, advocating for racial equality often proved dangerous, and some Black leaders took pains to reassure their white colleagues that they had no desire for racial equality. For example, William H. Gray, a freeborn Black delegate to Arkansas’s constitutional convention, reassured his colleagues that he “wanted this a white man’s government” and that he was content to allow them to “do the legislating as they had the intelligence and wealth.” Fitzgerald, Splendid Failure, 86.
76. Williams, Juan and Ashley, Dwayne, I’ll Find a Way or Make One (New York: HarperCollins, 2004), 76–77 Google ScholarPubMed.
77. Williams and Ashley, I’ll Find a Way or Make One, 77.
78. In South Carolina, for example, although 60 percent of the state’s citizens in 1890 were Black, they cast only 17 percent of votes in 1888—compared with the 50 percent of all votes that they cast in 1876. See Marszalek, A Black Congressman in the Age of Jim Crow, 26.
79. Carleton, Student’s Guide to Landmark Congressional Laws, 54; Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong., 2d Sess. 1177 (1872).
80. Williams, The Origins of Federal Support for Higher Education, 6.
81. Eddy, Colleges for Our Land and Time, 83–84.
82. Eddy, Colleges for Our Land and Time, 101; 2 Cong. Rec., S4139 (daily ed. May 22, 1874) (statement of Rep. Justin Morrill); Sanders, Roots of Reform, 315; Gelber, Scott, The University and the People: Envisioning American Higher Education in an Era of Populist Protest (Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2011), 26.Google Scholar
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84. See, e.g., Lovett, America’s Historically Black Colleges & Universities, 25–26. The preponderance of Black citizens’ educational advocacy focused on the creation of common schools, which likely signaled an emphasis on providing basic educational infrastructure, as well as ambivalence toward entrusting white lawmakers and administrators with acting in the interests of Black colleges. See Gelber, The University and the People, 57; James D. Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860-1935, 193.
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89. James S. Ferguson, “The Grange and Farmer Education in Mississippi,” The Journal of Southern History 8, no. 4 (November 1942): 497–512, 500. Interestingly, while Black educational opportunity was not central to the Grange’s advocacy, the organization did support higher education for women, viewing it as important to agricultural interests. See, e.g., James S. Ferguson, “The Grange and Farmer Education in Mississippi,” 504.
90. Gelber, The University and the People, 56–57.
91. James D. Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860-1935, 23.
92. “African Americans and Education during Reconstruction: The Tolsons’ Chapel Schools,” National Park Service, accessed May 31, 2021, https://www.nps.gov/articles/african-americans-and-education-during-reconstruction-the-tolson-s-chapel-schools.htm.
93. Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong., 3d Sess. 1710 (1873).
94. Eddy, Colleges for Our Land and Time, 102. The addition of this language to discourse on equality in government support for land-grant colleges likely reflects the central role that discussions of racial equality had during the 42nd Congress. A year prior, the Senate had considered a supplemental civil rights bill and engaged in spirited debate over the incorporation of this same nondiscrimination language. See Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong., 2d Sess. 429–34 (1872).
95. 4 Cong. Rec. S2763 (daily ed. April 26, 1876) (statement of Sen. Justin Morrill).
96. During his remarks on behalf of his land grand college aid proposal, Sen. Justin Morrill highlighted the reciprocal responsibilities of citizenship, casting the provision of educational opportunity as a national duty: “To support the character of our national Government and its honor every citizen willingly stands ready to sacrifice not only property but life itself; and shall it be said for this the Government is to do nothing in return? Are there no reciprocal duties? … The character of a nation clearly does not altogether depend upon its geology, climate, soil, oysters, and terrapins, but very much upon its governmental and educational institutions and upon that growth of manhood which is their ripened product.” See 4 Cong. Rec. S2763 (daily ed. April 26, 1876) (statement of Sen. Justin Morrill).
97. “Letter from Frederick Douglass to Hon. Justin S. Morrill,” (January 1880). Manuscript Division, Library of Congress; see also Cross, Justin Smith Morrill.
98. Chalmers’s fellow Mississippian, Blanche Bruce (R-MS), introduced a similar version of the bill in the Senate at the same time. See 10 Cong. Rec. A14 (daily ed. February 24, 1880 (statement of Rep. James R. Chalmers).
99. See 10 Cong. Rec. A14 (daily ed. February 24, 1880) (statement of Rep. James R. Chalmers).
100. 15 Cong. Rec. S2244 (daily ed. March 25, 1884) (statement of Sen. James George).
101. 15 Cong. Rec. S2244 (daily ed. March 25, 1884) (statement of Sen. Benjamin Harrison).
102. It was the advice of his Senate colleague Henry Blair—the longtime champion of public support for common schools—that drove Morrill’s decision to remove support for public common schools from the Second Morrill Land-Grant proposal in April of 1890. See Carleton, David, Student’s Guide to Landmark Congressional Laws on Education (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002), 56 Google Scholar.
103. The Morrill Land-Grant Act of 1890, Pub. L. No. 51-841.
104. The Morrill Land-Grant Act of 1890, Pub. L. No. 51-841.
105. 21 Cong. Rec. S6241–6351 (daily ed. June 19–20, 1890).
106. Carleton, Student’s Guide to Landmark Congressional Laws, 57.
107. Scott Gelber, “The Populist Vision for Land-Grant Universities, 1880-1900,” in The Land-Grant Colleges and the Reshaping of American Higher Education, eds. Roger L. Geiger and Nathan M. Sorber (New Bruswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2013), 165–66. However, on the subject of racial equity, it is important to note that while some populists expressed interest in providing women with higher educational opportunities that “could reduce the drudgery of fieldwork and prepare women to work as teachers, telegraph operators, or clerks in case of economic depression or widowhood, populist support for educational egalitarian generally stopped short of supporting educational opportunity for [B]lack Americans.” See Gelber, “The Populist Vision,” 172; Gelber, Scott M., The University and the People: Envisioning American Higher Education in an Era of Populist Protest (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2011), 57 Google Scholar.
108. The differing fates of Morrill’s Land-Grant Bill and the Blair Bill to support a system of public common schools likely reflected intense controversy over the prospect of federal oversight of southern institutions. While the Blair Bill provided for federal government supervision of common schools, the absence of such a provision in the Morrill Bill likely contributed to its success. Moreover, agricultural interests such as the Farmer’s Alliance were adamantly against the Blair Bill, whereas Justin Morrill was able to win the support of farmers in building a coalition to support his land-grant act. See Upchurch, Thomas Adams, Legislating Racism: The Billion Dollar Congress and the Birth of Jim Crow (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky), 47 Google Scholar; Williams, The Origins of Federal Support for Higher Education, 142–43.
109. Eddy, Colleges for Our Land and Time, 101.
110. Williams, The Origins of Federal Support for Higher Education, 145–48.
111. Jackson and Nunn, Historically Black Colleges and Universities, 13.
112. Eddy, Colleges for Our Land and Time, 102. According to Eddy, this policy “accomplished for [African Americans] of the South what the first act in 1862 had accomplished for the men and women of other races.” Eddy, Colleges for Our Land and Time, 258.
113. It was also the case with the mid-twentieth century higher education policies that were intended to expand access to colleges and universities. Although the federal government offered need-based financial aid to make college affordable, institutional discrimination against women and racial minorities limited higher educational access. As a result, lawmakers followed up on financial aid programs with regulatory policies that would ensure that all students enjoyed access to colleges and universities benefiting from federal funding. See Deondra Rose, Citizens by Degree: Higher Education Policy and the Changing Gender Dynamics of American Citizenship (New York: Oxford University Press, 2021); Deondra Rose, “Higher Education and the Transformation of American Citizenship,” PS: Political Science & Politics 50, no. 2 (April 2017): 403–07.
114. See Skocpol, Theda, “Targeting within Universalism: Politically Viable Policies to Combat Poverty in the United States,” in the Urban Underclass, eds. Jencks, Christopher and Peterson, Paul E. (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1991 Google Scholar).
115. Johnson, Reforming Jim Crow, 117–18.
116. Theodore J. Lowi, “American Business, Public Policy, Case-Studies, and Political Theory,” World Politics 16, no. 4 (July 1964): 677–715.