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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 November 2008
One of the intriguing paradoxes of Côte d'Ivoire is that while the political class has become famous for its ‘open-door’ capitalism, the Government headed by Félix Houphouët-Boigny consistently heightened its rhetoric of ‘Ivoirianisation’ through which it purported to indigenise the economy. The fact is that capitalism controlled by foreigners has generally gained the upper hand with state connivance or approval. Where local capitalism exists, it is often spearheaded by the state as participant and competitor, rather than as a facilitator of indigenous enterprise. Shipping offers a good example of this dual approach, where the state became the vanguard of a vigorous national and regional drive for maritime independence, but at the same time pursued its self-declared ‘open-door’ strategy which ensured continued domination of the sector by foreigners.
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20 Tresselt, op. cit. pp. 41–2.
21 Ibid. p. 43.
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25 See ibid. p. 46, in particular, for this optimism.
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Côte d'Ivoire has equally demonstrated as much vigour in supporting other treaties that seek to further regulate world shipping. For instance, it signed in April 1987 the U.N. Convention on Conditions for Registration of Ships that seeks to establish a genuine link between a ship and the state whose flag it flies, thereby introducing new standards of responsibility and accountabilities for the world shipping industry which currently is not the case with the predominance of ‘open registries’ or ‘flags of convenience’. As of May 1988, Côte d'Ivoire and Mexico were the only contracting parties to this U.N. treaty which requires 40, owning at least 25 per cent of the world tonnage, to enter into force.
30 Gohibi, Bernard, Ministerial Conference of West and Central African States on Maritime Transport: a presentation (Abidjan, 1988), p. 8.Google Scholar
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35 Ibid. pp. 221–4. Crook concludes that the problem of régime consolidation in Ghana derives largely from the historical potential of civil society to evade the long arms of the state.
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41 Gouvernal, op. cit. p. 171, fn. I.
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45 ‘OIC: maîtrise du fret’, in Jeune Afrique économie, 137, 11 1990, pp. 370–2.Google Scholar
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This means that in any given trade between two countries, 40 per cent of conference cargo is to be competed for by the conference lines of the importing country, 40 per cent by those of the exporting country, and 20 per cent is to be reserved for cross-traders or non-conference operators. See Gouvernal, op. cit. pp. 162–9, for a dispassionate description and discussion of the statutory functions of the O.I.C. and how it has actually enforced this cargo allocation policy.
47 See Iheduru, ‘Merchant Fleet Development by Legislation’, pp. 298–300.
48 Fairplay International Shipping Weekly (London), 302, 5416, 1987, p. 19,Google Scholar and Laidlaw, Ken, ‘Preparing for Expansion –After Years of Decline’, in Africa Economic Digest (London), 07 1989, pp. 23–4.Google Scholar
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52 Givelet, loc. cit.
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58 Gouvernal, op. cit. p. 206.
59 Quoted in ibid.
60 Ibid. p. 162.
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69 Ibid. p. 61.
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71 Derrick, Jonathan, ‘Trade Prospects in the Run Up to 1992 and 1994’ in Africa Economic Digest, 11, 38, 8 10 1990, p. 14. Obviously the decision to devalue the CFA by as much as 50 per cent lfl January 1994 will have an important impact on cross-border trade in general, and on cocoa in particular, between Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire.Google Scholar
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76 See Damas, loc. cit. p. 44.
77 Crook, loc. cit. 1991, p. 222.
78 Golan, loc. cit. p. 6.
79 Crook, loc. cit. 1991, p. 236.
80 Dembele, loc. cit. p. 89.
81 Ibid. p. 90.
82 The economic and political significance of the ‘cocoa élite’ is discussed by Hecht, loc. cit.
83 Dembele, loc. cit. p. 90.
84 Gouvernal, op. cit. p. 207.
85 Ibid. p. 270.
86 ‘Côte d'Ivoire: vive la marine’, p. 301.
87 Gouvernal, op. cit. p. 173.
88 Dembele, loc. cit. p. 90.
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