Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 November 2008
Too often dismissed as a feudal backwater in a seething continent, the kingdom of Burundi has scarcely received the attention it deserves from social scientists. If not out of indifference, perhaps out of sheer consternation in the face of the contradictory policies followed by its successive governments, most outside observers have prudently avoided speculating on future developments in this part of Central Africa. This neglect is unfortunate on several counts, not the least being the sense of dismay of certain Burundi élites upon discovering that so few westerners are even aware of the existence of Burundi on the map of Africa. Nor is their rancour in any way assuaged when they realise that the term Watutsi conjures up in the public mind a form of exertion more akin to St Vitus' dance than to the realities of their national culture; and though it is plain that Burundi politics often tend to exhibit signs of disorderly convulsions, policy-makers here and abroad obviously need more in the way of explanation. Quite aside from policy considerations, however, the fact is that Burundi offers one of the most fascinating laboratories for the study of social change, as well as a unique opportunity to observe and analyse the forces which transform traditional orders into modern ones, or, perhaps more appropriately, which impede this transformation.
Page 402 note 1 See Apter, David, The Politics of Modernization (Chicago and London, 1965), pp. 94 ff.Google Scholar
Page 402 note 2 Apter, David, The Political Kingdom in Uganda (Princeton, 1961), p. 476.Google Scholar
Page 403 note 1 See Welch, Claude E., ‘The Challenge of Change: Mciji Japan and Contemporary Africa’, a paper delivered at the annual meeting of the African Studies Association, Philadelphia, 10 1965.Google Scholar
Page 403 note 2 For other and more detailed interpretations of the concept of modernisation, see David Apter, The Politics of Modernization; Huntington, Samuel P., ‘Political Modernization: America vs. Europe’, in World Politics (Princeton), xviii, 04 1966, pp. 378–414Google Scholar; Eisenstadt, S. N., ‘Breakdowns of Modernization’, in Economic Development and Cultural Change (Chicago), xii, 07 1964, pp. 345–67Google Scholar. For a more systematic treatment of the theoretical aspects of modernisation, see Levy, Marion, Modernization and the Structure of Societies, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1966).Google Scholar
Page 405 note 1 See Vansina, Jan, ‘Notes sur l'histoire du Burundi’, in Aequatoria (Coquilhatville), I, 1961, pp. 1–10.Google Scholar
Page 406 note 1 Fallers, L. A., ‘Max Weber's Concept of Traditional Authority’, a paper delivered at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, 6–1009 1966.Google Scholar
Page 406 note 2 Simmel, G., Conflict, translated by Wolf, Kurt H. (Glencoe, Illinois, 1955), p. 98.Google Scholar
Page 407 note 1 Gluckman, Max, Custom and Conflict in Africa (Oxford, 1963), p. 46.Google Scholar
Page 407 note 2 On this point, see the interesting article by Worsley, Peter, ‘The Analysis of Rebellion and Revolution in Modern British Social Anthropology’, in Science and Society (New York), xxv, Winter 1961.Google Scholar
Page 408 note 1 Max Gluckman, op. cit. p. 45.
Page 409 note 1 Remarques africaines (Brussels), 22 09 1966.Google Scholar
Page 410 note 1 La Chronique du Ruanda-Urundi (Bujumbura), 28 01 1961.Google Scholar
Page 411 note 1 On the implications of ‘withdrawal of status respect’, see Hagen, E., On the Theory of Social Change (Homewood, Illinois, 1962).Google Scholar
Page 413 note 1 Mbwire Gito Cane, translated by Ghislain, J. (mimeo., 1962).Google Scholar
Page 413 note 2 Note au sujet de la traduction de Mbwire Gito Cane by Ghislain, J. (mimeo., 1962).Google Scholar
Page 415 note 1 Merton, Robert K., Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, Illinois, 1963), pp. 421 ff.Google Scholar
Page 415 note 2 Répartition ethnique des fonctionnaires … (mimeo., n.d.). 28Google Scholar
Page 416 note 1 One must note, however, that the ethnic connotations of the terms ‘Casablanca’ and ‘Monrovia’ are not quite as clear-cut as the foregoing might suggest. The leader of the Monrovia group, Thaddée Siryuyumunsi, was a Tutsi-Hima, and some Hutu, like the former Minister of the Interior, Pierre Mpozensi, were quite obviously aligned with ‘Casablanca’. Moreover, there were a number of politically conscious Barundi who refused to let their ethnic origins govern their political options, and others, of mixed origins, who simply refused to commit themselves one way or another. Once this is said, however, there can be little doubt that the terms ‘Casablanca’ and ‘Monrovia’ institutionalised a situation of ethnic cleavage between Hutu and Tutsi which gave the Crown an additional reason to act as a balancer between the two.
Page 419 note 1 For specific illustrations of the ideological commitments of these new élites the reader is referred to the series of articles by Burundi students that have appeared in Remarques africaines; see, in particular, Bimazubute, Gilles, ‘Le 19 octobre…et après?’, issue of 17 11 1965Google Scholar; ‘L'Escalade ou la détérioration?’, ibid. 29 December 1965; ‘Lettre de l'Unéba-France’, ibid. 9 arch 1966.
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Page 427 note 1 The Politics of Modernization, pp. 359–60.
Page 427 note 2 La Déclaration gouvernementale, mimeo.
Page 428 note 1 Ibid.
Page 430 note 1 For the text of the resolutions adopted at the Presle Congress, see Remarques africaines, 22 09 1966.Google Scholar
Page 430 note 2 For a further elaboration on this point, see Lipset, Seymour M., ‘The Political Behaviour of University Students in Developing Nations’, in Social and Economic Studies (Mora, Jamaica), xiv, 03 1965, pp. 35–76.Google Scholar
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Page 430 note 4 Weber, Max, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization (Glencoe, Illinois, 1957), p. 341.Google Scholar
Page 431 note 1 Ibid. P. 37°
Page 432 note 1 Shils, Edward, ‘Charisma, Order and Status’, in American Sociological Review (New York), xxx, 04 1965, p. 204.Google Scholar
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