Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-r5fsc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-27T20:28:49.311Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Modalities of Civil-Military Stability in Africa

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 November 2008

Extract

If during the 1960s the coup d'état emerged as the most visible and recurrent characteristic of the African political experience, by the 1980s quasi-permanent military rule, of whatever ideological hue, had become the norm for much of the continent. At any moment in time, up to 65 per cent of all Africa's inhabitants and well over half its states are governed by military administrators. Civilian rule is but a distant memory in some countries. Few at some stage or another have not been run by an armed-forces junta, and fewer still have not been rocked at least once by an attempted coup, putsch, or military-sponsored plot. According to one tabulation, ‘only six states have not witnessed some form of extra-legal armed involvement in national politics since 1958’.1 The phenomenon has even reached the non-state Homelands of Bophuthatswana, Transkei, and Ciskei in South Africa. Rule by civilians is very much the statistical ‘deviation’ from the continental norm, as military leaders lay a permanent claim to the political throne in much of Africa

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1989

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See Ronen, Dov (ed.), Democracy and Pluralism in Africa (Boulder and Sevenoaks, 1986), p. 134.Google Scholar

2 Jackman, Robert, ‘The Predictability of Coups d'État. A Model with African Data’, in The American Political Science Review (Washington, D.C.), 72, 4, 09 1978, pp. 1262–75,Google Scholar and Thomas H. Johnson, Robert O. Slater, and Pat McGowan, ‘Explaining African Military Coups d'État, 1960–1982’, in ibid. 78, 3, September 1984, pp. 622–40. See the insightful criticism of the latter research and its oversights by Goldsworthy, David, ‘On the Structural Explanation of African Military Interventions’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), 24, 1, 03 1986, pp. 179–85.Google Scholar Another critical review of the uncritical application of aggregate-data analysis is to be found in John Ravenhill, ‘Comparing Régime Performance in Africa: the limitations of cross-national aggregate analysis’, in ibid. 18, 1, March 1980, pp. 99–126.

3 See Hughes, Arnold and May, Roy, ‘The Politics of Succession in Black Africa’, in Third World Quarterly (London), 10, 1, 01 1988, pp. 122.Google Scholar

4 Legum, Colin et al. , Africa in the 1980s: a continent in crisis (New York, 1979), p. 25.Google Scholar

5 Though see Karimi, Joseph and Ochieng, Philip, The Kenyatta Succession (Nairobi, 1980).Google Scholar

6 See Goldsworthy, David, ‘Civilian Control of the Military in Black Africa’, in African Affairs (London), 80, 318, 01 1981, pp. 4974,Google Scholar and his ‘Armies and Politics in Civilian Regimes’, in Baynham, Simon (ed.), Military Power and Politics in Black Africa (London, 1986), pp. 97128.Google Scholar

7 Hodder-Williams, Richard, ‘Dr. Banda's Malawi’, in Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics (London), 03 1974, p. 110.Google Scholar

8 Harbeson, John (ed.), The Military in African Politics (New York, 1987), p. 2.Google Scholar

9 See Decalo, Samuel, Psychoses of Power: African personal dictatorships (Boulder, 1989).Google Scholar

10 See Finer's, Samuel classic, The Man on Horseback: the role of the military in politics (London, 1962), pp. 77–8,Google Scholar as well as his equally path-breaking ‘The Morphology of Military Regimes’, in Kolkowicz, Roman and Korbonski, Andrzej (eds.), Soldiers, Peasants and Bureaucrats (London, 1982).Google Scholar

11 On the other hand, Joseph Momoh's rather unusual constitutional rise from Army Chief of Staff to President, argues for caution. Possibly Sierra Leone may better be compared and contrasted with civilianised military hybrids.

12 Gabon's two-day military interlude in 1964 can be viewed as sui generis.

13 McGowan, Pat and Johnson, Thomas H., ‘African Military Coups d'État and Underdevelopment: a quantitative historical analysis’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies, 22, 4, 12 1984, pp. 633–66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14 For details, see Decalo, Samuel, ‘The Morphology of Radical Military Rule in Africa’, in Journal of Communist Studies (London), 01 1987, pp. 122–44.Google Scholar

15 Goldsworthy, in Baynham (ed.), op. cit. p. 117.

16 Ibid.. p. 119.

17 See, inter alia, Huntington, Samuel, ‘Civilian Control of the Military: a theoretical statement’, in Eulau, Heinz, Eldersveld, Samuel J., and Janowitz, Morris (eds.), Political Behavior: a reader in theory and research (Glencoe, 1956), p. 380.Google Scholar

18 As cited in Legum, Colin, ‘Why Tanganyika Accepted a Chinese Mission’, in Africa Report (New Brunswick), 9, 9, 10 1964, p. 16.Google Scholar

19 Welch, Claude E. Jr, (ed.), Civilian Control of the Military: theory and cases from developing countries (Albany, 1976), pp. 56.Google Scholar

20 Nyerere's decision, for example, enacted consequent to Chinese advice, of having every military unit grow part of its foodstuffs needs on extensive plots adjacent to military bases, and undertaking development-related duties for the state (primarily for the Department of Public Works) was extremely unpopular, and caused considerable grumbling in several military units.

21 See ‘Mozambique: politicising the ranks’, in Africa Confidential (London), 15 02 1984, p. 5.Google Scholar

22 Goldsworthy, in Baynham (ed.), op. cit. p. 98.

23 Murray, J., ‘Succession Prospects in Kenya’, in Africa Report, November 1968, p. 7.Google Scholar

24 Tamarkin, Mordechai, ‘The Roots of Political Stability in Kenya’, in African Affairs, 77, 308, 07 1978, p. 301.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25 Barrows, Walter L., ‘Changing Military Capabilities in Black Africa’, in Foltz, William J. and Bienen, Henry S. (eds.), Arms and the African: military influences on Africa's international relations (New Haven and London, 1985), p. 106.Google Scholar

26 Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance, 1983/4 (London, 1985), p. 25.Google Scholar

27 The seminal thrust of this important concept is found in Jackson, Robert H. and Rosberg, Carl G., Personal Rule in Black Africa: prince, autocrat, prophet, tyrant (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1982).Google ScholarFor a further elaboration on this concept, see Decalo, Samuel, Private Governments in Africa: the privatization of power and the state (forthcoming).Google Scholar

28 See ‘Francisco Macias Nguema: tyrant of Equatorial Guinea’, in Decalo, Psychoses of Power, pp. 31–76.

29 During 1966–9 in Dahomey, for example, the Directorship of the Security Services (Intelligence) changed hands six times, as each incumbent (later demoted or disciplined) utilised the post to promote his personal professional advancement, and to discredit other officers and/or competitive cliques. See Decalo, Coups and Army Rule in Africa, p. 62, fn. 45.

30 President Bongo's political campaigns in France have included massive uranium export funded contributions to the election coffers of the Presidential candidate deemed to be most pro-Gabonese, as well as to radio stations, commentators, and legislators that can sway public opinion or votes in the National Assembly.

31 See Clayton, Anthony, ‘Foreign Intervention in Africa’, in Baynham, (ed.), op. cit. pp. 203–58.Google Scholar

32 Luckham, Robin, ‘French Militarism in Africa’, in Review of African Political Economy (Sheffield), 24, 0508 1982, p. 70.Google Scholar

33 Dunn, John, ‘The Politics of Representation and Good Government in Post-Colonial Africa’, in Chabal, Patrick (ed.), Political Domination in Africa: reflections on the limits of power (Cambridge, 1986), p. 161.Google Scholar

34 By way of contrast, Goldsworthy, ‘Civilian Control of the Military in Black Africa’, p. 56, asserts that it ‘must in the first instance be grounded on questions about the legitimacy and effectiveness of civilian institutions’.

35 Goldsworthy, in Baynham (ed.), op. cit. p. 106.

36 Cox, Thomas S., Civil-Military Relations in Sierra Leone: a case study of African soldiers in politics (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1976), p. 19.Google Scholar

37 Africa Confidential, 15 October 1981, p. 3.

38 Interview in Libreville, 12 August 1988.

39 Clayton, in Baynham (ed.), op. cit. p. 212. See also ‘France: intervention capability’, in Africa Confidential, 1 January 1981.

40 Luckham, loc. cit. See also the scathing analysis by Martin, Guy, ‘The Historical, Economic, and Political Bases of France's African Policy’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies, 23, 2, 06 1985, pp. 189208.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

41 See Guillemin, Jacques, ‘L'Importance des bases dans la politique militaire de la France en Afrique noire francophone et à Madagascar’, in Revue française d'études politiques africaines/Le Mois en Afrique (Dakar and Paris), 0809 1981, pp. 3244;Google ScholarChipman, John, French Military Policy and African Security (London, 1985), Adelphi Papers No. 210;Google Scholar and Chaigneau, Paul, La Politique militaire de la France en Afrique (Paris, 1984).Google Scholar For an analysis of action taken, see Bon, Daniel and Mingst, Karen, ‘French Intervention in Africa: dependency or decolonization’, in Africa Today (Denver), 27, 2, 1980, pp. 520,Google Scholarand Guillemin, Jacques, ‘L'Intervention extérieure dans la politique militaire de la France en Afrique noir francophone et à Madagascar’, in Revue française d'études politiques africaines, June–July 1981, pp. 43–58.Google Scholar

42 Gabon has the third-highest number of French military advisers in the 26 states in which France maintains such missions, below only Morocco with 183, and Chad with 125. For some important data on the structural reorganisation of the Gabonese military, see Ammi-Oz, Moshe, ‘L'Évolution de la place et du rôle des forces publiques africaines’, in Le Mois en Afrique, March 1977, pp. 59–78. For fairly up-to-date details on the francophone African armies,Google Scholar see Viaud, Pierre and Lestapis, Jacques de, Afrique: les souverainetés en armes (Paris, 1987).Google Scholar

43 See, inter alia, ‘Unfair Trial and Other Amnesty International Concerns in the Republic of Gabon’, London, 1984.Google Scholar

44 Moose, George E., ‘French Military Policy in Africa’, in Foltz, and Bienen, (eds.), op. cit. p. 60.Google Scholar See also Golan, Tamar, ‘A Certain Mystery. How Can France Do Everything that it Does in Africa – and Get Away with It?’, in African Affairs, 80, 318, 01 1981, pp. 311,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Guiringaud, Louis de, ‘La Politique africaine de la France’, in Politique étrangère (Paris), 06 1982.Google Scholar

45 ‘La Coopération avec l'Afrique: perspectives pour les enterprises françaises’, in Afrique contemporaine (Paris), 149, 1, 1989, p. 45.Google Scholar

46 Interview in Abidjan, 12 July 1988.

47 Chipman, op. cit. p. 30.

48 For some details, see Péan, Pierre, Affaires africaines (Paris, 1983).Google Scholar

49 ‘Zambia: party problems’, in Africa Confidential, 21 January 1987.

50 Tamarkin, loc. cit. p. 301. See also ‘Kenya: the end of an illusion’, in Race and Class (London), 24, 3, Winter 1983, p. 238.Google Scholar

51 Legum, Colin, ‘Fission and Fusion in Evolving Nation-States’, in his Africa in the 1980s, p. 25.Google Scholar

52 Criticisms of President Banda's harsh idiosyncratic rule notwithstanding, there is little doubt that his régime is thoroughly legitimised in Malawi. For more details, see Samuel Decalo, ‘Malawi: dictatorship by consent’, in The Stable Minority, and Boeder, Robert B., ‘Prospects for Political Stability in Malawi’, in Woodward, Calvin (ed.), On the Razor's Edge: prospects for political stability in Southern Africa (Pretoria, 1986), pp. 23–7.Google Scholar