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Alternative Patterns of Integration in African States

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 November 2008

Dov Ronen
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Extract

Although it has long been realised that ‘developing’ countries do not have to follow the example of ‘developed’ nations, the mere use of the terms ‘nation-building’ and ‘national integration’ implies a straight line of ‘progress’ from dispersed sub-national communities towards the integrated entity of the nation-state. Add the eagerness of political leaders in the Third World to exert effective control over the population in the absence of established institutions, if possible by becoming the focus of popular solidarity, and the reasons for this emphasis on the notion of national integration become more apparent.

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Articles
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The Journal of Modern African Studies , Volume 14 , Issue 4 , December 1976 , pp. 577 - 596
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1976

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References

page 577 note 1 In the literature on ‘developing countries’, integration is part of-or at least related to–modernisation, development, and nation-building. But the literature on integration in ‘developed countries’ is related largely to European states. The distinction is not absolute, and scholars such as Karl Deutsch and Stein Rokkan bridge the gap, but the two notions are distinct, which supports my view that both the term and the process of integration are unnecessarily elastic.

page 577 note 2 Myron Weiner has observed that the term ‘integration’ is used in the social sciences to cover an extraordinarily wide range of political phenomena, including (i) national integration, (ii) territorial integration, (iii) value integration, (iv) élite-mass integration, and (v) integrative behaviour. He considered all five types, each implying a sense of oneness inspired by a central government within a given state, as desirable for developing countries. See his classic article, ‘Political Integration and Political Development’, in The Annals of the American Academy of Political Science (Philadelphia), 358, March 1965, pp. 52–64, reprinted in several readers.

page 577 note 3 Ibid. p. 52.

page 578 note 1 Geertz, Clifford, ‘The Integrative Revolution: primordial sentiments and civil politics in the new states’, in Geertz, Clifford (ed.), Old Societies and New States: the quest for modernity in Asia and Africa (New York, 1963), pp. 105–57Google Scholar.

page 578 note 2 Almond, Gabriel A. and Powell, G. Bingham Jr, Comparative Politics: a developmental approach (Boston, 1966), p. 36Google Scholar.

page 578 note 3 Pye, Lucian W., Aspects of Political Development (Boston, 1966), p. 63Google Scholar. Pye calls this the ‘Identity Crisis’, which is different from the ‘Integration Crisis’, which is in turn related in his terminology to governmental performance.

page 578 note 4 The literature on inter-state or international integration, especially in relation to the European Community, is abundant. For a recent collection of relevant articles, see Ionescu, Ghita (ed.), Between Sovereignt, and Integration (London, 1974)Google Scholar.

page 578 note 5 Zolberg, Aristide R., ‘Ethnicity and Integration’, mimeographed, 1967, p. 1. Cf. his ‘Patterns of National Integration’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), v, 4, 12 1967, pp. 449–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

page 579 note 1 I have borrowed here from the definition offered by Melson, Robert and Wolpe, Howard, ‘Modernization and the Politics of Communalism: a theoretical perspective’, in American Political Science Review (Washington), 64, 4, 12 1970, pp. 1112–30Google Scholar. See also Deutsch, Karl, Nationalism and Social Communication (Boston, 1953)Google Scholar.

page 579 note 2 Walker Connor has perceptively remarked on the different usages of certain terms by scholars: ‘ethnic group’ and ‘ethnicity’ mean one thing in the United States, and something different in Africa. See ‘The Politics of Ethnonationalism’, in Journal of International Affairs (New York), 27, I, 1973, pp. 1–21. My use of ‘ethnic’ is in the American sense.

page 580 note 1 The use of the present tense for ‘enclose’ is intentional. The argument that African borders now enclose a variety of ethnic groups is debated; but in this article it is proposed as evident on the basis of numerous manifestations which there is no need to enumerate here. Ethnic identity, whether by itself or together with national and, at times, class identity, is very much alive today in practically every African state, to the degree that it is the base for a resurgence of ethno-separatism. Cf. Connor, loc. cit.

page 580 note 2 Mazrui's, Ali A term ‘pigmentational nationalism’ Connotes a similar notion. See his Towards a Pax Africana: a study of ideology and ambition (Chicago, 1967)Google Scholar.

page 581 note 1 Gray, Richard, ‘Introduction’ to Adoho, Joseph and Deng, William, The Problem of the Southern Sudan (London, 1963), PP. 1–2Google Scholar.

page 582 note 1 Beshir, M. O., The Southern Sudan: background to conflict (London, 1968), pp. 61 ffGoogle Scholar; Howell, John, ‘Politics in the Southern Sudan’, in African Affairs (London), 72, 287, 04 1973, pp. 163–78Google Scholar.

page 582 note 2 Epril, Cecil, ‘Sudan: the long war’, in Conflict Studies (London), 21, 03 1972, p. 18Google Scholar.

page 582 note 3 Kilner, Peter, ‘Better Outlook for Sudan’, in The World Today (London), 28, 4, 04 1972, p. 187. My emphasisGoogle Scholar.

page 582 note 4 Howell, loc. cit. p. 177.

page 582 note 5 For details of the Agreement, see Africa Research Bulletin (Exeter), 1–31 March 1972.

page 583 note 1 Deng, Francis M., ‘The Dynamics of Identification: a basis for national integration in the Sudan’, in Africa Today (Denver), 20, 3, Summer 1973, pp. 19–28Google Scholar. This is a special issue entitled ‘The Sudan: a new era’.

page 583 note 2 See Nicolson, I. F., The Administration of Nigeria, 1900–1960: men, methods, and myths (Oxford, 1969)Google Scholar.

page 584 note 1 Harris, Richard, ‘Nigeria: crisis and compromise’, in Africa Report (New York), X, 3, 03 1965, pp. 25–46Google Scholar.

page 585 note 1 Nixon, Charles R., ‘Self-Determination: the Nigeria/Biafra case’, in World Politics (Princeton), 24, 4, 07 1972, pp. 473–97Google Scholar. See also Panter-Brick, S. K., ‘The Right of Self-Determination: its application to Nigeria’, in International Affairs (London), 44, 04 1968, p. 262Google Scholar.

page 585 note 2 Nixon, loc. cit. p. 483.

page 585 note 3 Ibid. p. 485.

page 586 note 1 See West Africa (London), 9 and 16 February 1976.

page 586 note 2 ‘Nigeria's Nineteen States’, ibid. 22 March 1976.

page 586 note 3 Ibid. 9 February 1976, p. 162.

page 586 note 4 From the text of the broadcast by the late General Muhammed, Murtala, quoted in the Daily Times (Lagos), 4 02 1976Google Scholar.

page 587 note 1 Gérard-Libois, Jules, Katanga Secession, translated from the French (Madison, 1966), p. 9Google Scholar. By contrast, white settlers had little or nothing to do with developments relating to unity and disunity in Ethiopia, the Sudan, Chad, and Nigeria.

page 587 note 2 See Legum, Colin (ed.), Africa Contemporary Record: annual survej and documents, 1973–74 (London and New York, 1974), pp. B 609–10Google Scholar.

page 588 note 1 ‘The Style of Mobutu’, in Africa Report, March–April 1975, p. 3.

page 588 note 2 Ibid. p. 2.

page 588 note 3 ‘Mobutu Speaks’ [on 21 January 1975], ibid. p. 5.

page 589 note 1 DuBois, Victor D., ‘Zaïre Under President Sese Seku Mobutu’, in A.U.F.S. Report, Central and West African Studies (New York), 17, I, 1973, p. 1Google Scholar.

page 589 note 2 For a perceptive account of the Situation in Ethiopia, see ‘Ethiopia in Flames’, in Afriscope (Lagos), April 1975, p. 8; also Abir, Mordecai, ‘The Contentious Horn of Africa’, in Conflict Studies, 24, 06 1972Google Scholar.

page 590 note 1 Pledge, Robert, ‘France at War in Africa’, in Africa Report, 15, 06 1970, pp. 16–19Google Scholar.

page 590 note 2 ‘The ordeal, which Tombalbaye underwent as an adolescent, is alleged to involve floggings, facial scarring, mock burials, drugging and tests of stamina.’ Ibid. 20, January-February 1975, p. 25.

page 591 note 1 It may be assumed, however, that a threat from outside the political entity would bring about negative communal integration of the whole state against, or in variance with, the outsiders.