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Acculturation, Socio-Economic Status, and Attitude Change in Tunisia: Implications for Modernisation Theory

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 November 2008

Extract

This article uses survey data from Tunisia to examine some of the ways that individual attitudes change in a developing society. At the same time, it is addressed to some inadequacies of modernisation theory, attempting both to understand better the impact of social change on attitudes, and to delineate the nature and consequences of different kinds of modernisation experiences. Modernisation studies usually treat lifestyle variations produced by social change as uni-dimensional so far as their effect on attitudes is concerned. The present study argues that lifestyles do not always change in an integrated fashion, and in particular that acculturation and socio-economic status, two basic dimensions of individual life circumstances in developing societies, often and increasingly vary independently of one another. It then demonstrates with data from Tunisia that measures of acculturation and socio-economic status bear independent and dissimilar relationships to many attitudes known to be associated with social change, and thereafter discusses the implications of these relationships for modernisation and political development. The focus of the analysis is on general theoretical issues.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1979

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References

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page 485 note 2 Interval data and regression are used here in the interest of parsimony and rigour, but it should be noted that contingency table analysis produced the same findings as those reported in this article in all major respects.

page 486 note 1 In view of the widespread interest in education, a separate partial was computed between years of schooling and each scale with socio-economic status held constant. The findings were identical to those based on the general measure of acculturation. Education is independently associated to a strong and statistically significant degree with only the four cultural orientation scales.

page 488 note 1 Lerner, op. cit. p. 439.

page 488 note 2 See Armer, Michael and Schnaiberg, Allan, ‘Measuring Individual Modernity: a near myth’, Conference on Methodological Problems in Comparative Sociological Research, Bloomington, 1971;Google Scholar and Migdal, op. cit.

page 488 note 3 For example, Portes, loc. cit. pp. 22–3, and Suzman, loc. cit.

page 490 note 1 These suggestions are consistent with the social science literature on political instability – for example, Davies, James, ‘Toward a Theory of Revolution’, in American Sociological Review (Washington), XXVII, 02 1962, pp. 519;Google ScholarGurr, Ted, Why Men Rebel (Princeton, 1971,);Google Scholar and Huntington, op. cit. pp. 55 ff. – and on membership in revolutionary movements, e.g. Hoffer, Eric, ‘The True Believer’, in Welch, Claude and Taintor, Mavis (eds.), Revolution and Political Change (North Scituate, 1972), pp. 202–7,;Google Scholar Lucian Pye, ‘Personality and Communism in Malaya’, in ibid. pp. 220–7; Toch, Hans, The Social Psychology of Social Movements (Indianapolis, 1965), pp. 185 ff.;Google Scholar and Greene, Thomas, Comparative Revolutionary Movements (New York, 1974), pp. 146 ff.Google Scholar Thus, on the one hand, our findings give additional empirical support to existing theoretical formulations, and they highlight some of the linkages in propositions that relate national development experiences to political outcomes at the societal level. On the other hand, this literature increases confidence in our own assessment of the political consequences of acculturation unaccompanied by increased socio-economic status.

page 492 note 1 For additional discussion, see Tessler, ‘Development, Oil and Cultural Change in the Maghreb’.