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Verbal classes in Somali: Allomorphy has no classificatory function 1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 November 2017

XAVIER BARILLOT*
Affiliation:
Université Côte d’Azur, CNRS, BCL
SABRINA BENDJABALLAH*
Affiliation:
Laboratoire de Linguistique de Nantes, UMR 6310 CNRS & Université de Nantes
NICOLA LAMPITELLI*
Affiliation:
Université de Tours, CNRS, LLL UMR 7270
*
Author’s address: Université Côte d’Azur, Laboratoire Bases, Corpus, Langage – UMR 7320-BCL, 24, avenue des Diables Bleus, 06357 Nice Cedex 4, France [email protected]
Author’s address: Université de Nantes, Laboratoire de Linguistique de Nantes – UMR 6310-LLING, Chemin de la Censive du Tertre, BP 81227, 44312 Nantes Cedex 3, France [email protected]
Author’s address: Université de Tours, Laboratoire Ligérien de Linguistique – UMR 7270-LLL, 3, rue des Tanneurs, BP 410, 37041 Tours Cedex 1, France [email protected]

Abstract

This paper focuses on the complex derivational and inflectional morphology of Somali (East Cushitic) verbs. Somali verbs are traditionally cast in three major classes, depending on specific lexical suffixes (Saeed 1993). It is assumed that these classes must be distinguished because the relevant suffixes trigger a morphologically conditioned allomorphy. We argue against this view and claim that the allomorphic patterns targeting each class are epiphenomenal. Our analysis, couched within the theoretical framework of Government Phonology (Kaye, Lowenstamm & Vergnaud 1985, 1990) and the CV-model (Lowenstamm 1996), shows that the allomorphy in question is in fact phonologically conditioned. In particular, we establish unified representations of the two major lexical suffixes – the causative and the autobenefactive – and claim that all surface realizations of these markers result from the application of regular phonological rules. Thus, contrary to what appears at first sight, Somali displays a single verbal class whose three subclasses are phonologically (not morphologically) defined.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2017 

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Footnotes

[1]

We thank the anonymous Journal of Linguistics referees for their comments and remarks on previous versions of this paper. We also wish to thank Philippe Ségéral for having awoken our interest in Somali phonology in a fieldwork seminar at Paris 7, with Bashiir Nur Keenadiid as informant, as well as Elsa Godon and David Le Gac as participants.

We adopt the following abbreviations throughout the article: 1p, 2p, 3p = first, second, third person plural; 1s, 2s, 3s = first, second, third person singular; 3fs = third person feminine singular; 3ms = third person masculine singular; autoben = autobenefactive; caus = causative; det = determiner; ditr = ditransitive; f = feminine gender; imp = imperative; intr = intransitive; lex = lexical suffix; lic = licensing; m = masculine gender; n = noun; num = number; pg = proper government; pl = plural; png = person, number, gender; pres = present; sg = singular; tam = tense, aspect, mood; tr = transitive; o.s. = ‘oneself’; s.o. = ‘someone’; s.t. = ‘something’. For the transcriptions, we use IPA 2005 symbols.

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