Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-8bhkd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-16T12:18:35.680Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Women's Rights and Opposition: Explaining the Stunted Rise and Sudden Reversals of Progressive Violence against Women Policies in Contentious Contexts

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 September 2019

Cheryl O'Brien  and
Shannon Drysdale Walsh Open the ORCID record for Shannon Drysdale Walsh [Opens in a new window]
Cheryl O'Brien*
Affiliation:
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, San Diego State University
Shannon Drysdale Walsh
Affiliation:
Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Minnesota Duluth
*
*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected].
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

International conventions and domestic laws have been enacted to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women worldwide. However, these progressive policy initiatives have faced opposition in contentious contexts where policy rivals have contested their creation and implementation. Existing scholarship focuses primarily on progressive networks that have led to policy advances, such as violence against women (VAW) policies, while emerging literature has noted their limited impact and implementation. However, there is scant attention paid to one major underlying cause of limited impact and problematic implementation: that there is sustained opposition to these policies by policy rivals that resist and undermine progressive policies. We identify opponents and entrenched opposition to VAW laws in Mexico and Nicaragua in the 1990s and 2010s. We also identify how these opponents leverage ties with the state and utilise ‘family discourse’, framing progressives as anti-family, as strategies and mechanisms for stunting and even reversing VAW laws.

Spanish abstract

Spanish abstract

Convenciones internacionales y leyes domésticas han sido promulgadas para prevenir, castigar y erradicar la violencia contra las mujeres a nivel mundial. Sin embargo, estas iniciativas progresistas han tenido oposición en contextos contenciosos donde rivales políticos han desafiado su creación e implementación. Los trabajos académicos existentes se han enfocado primeramente en las redes progresistas que han llevado a logros en políticas progresistas, como la de la violencia contra la mujer (VCM), mientras que textos más recientes han notado más bien un impacto e implementación limitados. Sin embargo, se ha prestado poca atención a una causa fundamental del limitado impacto y la difícil implementación: la sostenida oposición a estas políticas de parte de rivales políticos que resisten y minan las políticas progresistas. En este artículo identificamos oponentes duros a las leyes VCM en México y Nicaragua en los años 1990s y 2010s. También identificamos cómo estas fuerzas opositoras utilizan los lazos con el estado y los discursos de ‘familia’ para encuadrar a los progresistas como anti-familia dentro de sus estrategias y mecanismos para inhibir e incluso revertir las leyes de la VCM.

Portuguese abstract

Portuguese abstract

Convenções internacionais e leis domésticas que visam prevenir, punir e erradicar a violência contra mulheres têm sido implementadas no mundo inteiro. No entanto, estas iniciativas progressivas enfrentaram oposição em contextos mais contenciosos, onde rivais destas políticas se opuseram à implementação e criação das mesmas. Pesquisas concluidos focam primariamente em redes progressivas que levaram à avanços políticos progressivos, tais quais as políticas que tratam de violência contra mulheres (VAW em inglês), ao mesmo tempo em que novas publicações reconhecem a limitação em impacto e implementação dessas políticas. Entretanto, pouca atenção é dada à um dos principais fatores que limitam o impacto e dificultam a implementação dessas políticas: a existência de uma constante oposição por parte dos rivais das mesmas que resistem e enfraquecem políticas progressivas. Identificamos adversários e arraigadas oposições à leis VAW no México e na Nicarágua nos anos 90 e na primeira década do século 21. Identificamos também como essa oposição usou seus vínculos com o estado e se utilizou de discursos de ‘família’, caracterizando os progressistas como anti-família como estratégia e mecanismo para diminuir o impacto ou até mesmo reverter as leis VAW.

Keywords

transnational advocacy networkswomen's rightsreligionviolence against womenMexicoNicaraguaCentral America and Latin Americaprogressive policy changeimplementationconservative groupsredes de defensa transnacionalderechos de las mujeresreligiónviolencia contra mujeresMéxicoNicaraguaCentroamérica y Latinoaméricapolíticas de cambio progresistasimplementaciónRedes de advocacia transnacionaldireitos das mulheresreligiãoviolência contra mulheresMéxicoNicaráguaAmérica Central e América Latinamudança progressiva de políticasimplementação
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 52 , Issue 1 , February 2020 , pp. 107 - 131
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Nussbaum, Martha, ‘Women's Bodies: Violence, Security, Capabilities’, Journal of Human Development, 6: 2 (2005), pp. 167–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weldon, S. Laurel, Protest, Policy and the Problem of Violence against Women: A Cross-National Comparison (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stark, Evan, Coercive Control: How Men Entrap Women in Personal Life (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007)Google Scholar.

2 de Alba, Alicia Gaspar and Guzmán, Georgina, Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and La Frontera (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Sagot, Montserrat and Cabañas, Ana Carcedo, ‘When Violence against Women Kills: Femicide in Costa Rica, 1990–99’, in Fregoso, Rosa-Linda and Bejarano, Cynthia (eds.), Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Américas (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), pp. 138–56Google Scholar.

3 Htun, Mala, O'Brien, Cheryl and Weldon, S. Laurel, ‘Movilización feminista y políticas sobre violencia contra las mujeres’, Foreign Affairs Latinoamérica, 14: 1 (2014), pp. 2–13Google Scholar; Alcalde, Cristina M., The Woman in the Violence: Gender, Poverty, and Resistance in Peru (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Wilson, Tamar Diana, ‘Violence against Women in Latin America’, Latin American Perspectives, 41: 3 (2014), pp. 3–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walsh, Shannon Drysdale and Menjívar, Cecilia, ‘“What Guarantees Do We Have?” Legal Tolls and Persistent Impunity for Feminicide in Guatemala’, Latin American Politics and Society, 51: 4 (2017), pp. 31–55Google Scholar.

4 Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (National Institute of Statistics and Geography, INEGI), Panorama de violencia contra las mujeres en Estados Unidos Mexicanos: Encuesta nacional sobre la dinámica de las relaciones en los hogares (National Survey on the Dynamics of Household Relationships, ENDIREH) 2011 (Aguascalientes: INEGI, 2013), p. 151; Frías, Sonia M., ‘Ámbitos y formas de violencia contra mujeres y niñas: Evidencias a partir de las encuestas’, Acta Sociológica, 65 (Sept. 2014), pp. 11–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Mariana Echandi, ‘A New Start in Mexico: Leaving Domestic Violence Behind’, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 23 Sept. 2009, available at www.unhcr.org/4ab9d5556.html, last access 14 May 2019.

6 Centro Nicaragüense de Derechos Humanos (Nicaraguan Centre for Human Rights, CENIDH), Derechos humanos en Nicaragua 2009 (Managua: CENIDH, 2010), p. 164Google Scholar; Elizabeth Romero, ‘Violencia contra mujeres “la cara oculta” de la inseguridad’, La Prensa, Managua, 24 Oct. 2009.

7 CEDAW General Recommendation 19 (1992) addresses violence against women.

8 Essayag, Sebastián, From Commitment to Action: Policies to End Violence against Women in Latin America and the Caribbean (Panama: UNDP and UN Women, 2017)Google Scholar.

9 Baldez, Lisa, Defying Convention: US Resistance to the UN Treaty on Women's Rights (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Friedman, Elisabeth Jay, ‘Re(gion)alizing Women's Human Rights in Latin America’, Politics and Gender, 5: 3 (2009), pp. 349–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Carey, David Jr. and Torres, M. Gabriela, ‘Precursors to Femicide: Guatemalan Women in a Vortex of Violence’, Latin American Research Review, 43: 3 (2010), pp. 142–65Google Scholar; Gaspar de Alba and Guzmán, Making a Killing.

11 Htun et al., ‘Movilización feminista’, pp. 2–13; Weldon, Protest, Policy.

12 Bevacqua, Maria and Baker, Carrie, ‘“Pay No Attention to the Man Behind the Curtain!” Power, Privacy, and the Legal Regulation of Violence against Women’, Women and Politics, 26: 3/4 (2004), pp. 57–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Franceschet, Susan, ‘Explaining Domestic Violence Policy Outcomes in Chile and Argentina’, Latin American Politics and Society, 52: 3 (2010), pp. 1–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lazarus-Black, Mindie, ‘The (Heterosexual) Regendering of a Modern State: Criminalizing and Implementing Domestic Violence Law in Trinidad’, Law and Social Inquiry, 4: 8 (2003), pp. 979–1008CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Merry, Sally Engle, ‘Rights Talk and the Experience of Law: Implementing Women's Human Rights to Protection from Violence’, Human Rights Quarterly, 25: 2 (2003), pp. 343–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bob, Clifford, The Global Right Wing and the Clash of World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Exceptions include: Blofield, Merike, The Politics of Moral Sin: Abortion and Divorce in Spain, Chile, and Argentina (New York: Routledge, 2006)Google Scholar; Bob, The Global Right Wing; Kang, Alice, ‘How Civil Society Represents Women: Feminists, Catholics, and Mobilization Strategies in Africa’, in Escobar-Lemmon, Maria C. and Taylor-Robinson, Michelle M., Representation: The Case of Women (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), pp. 137–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Neumann, Pamela, ‘Transnational Governance, Local Politics, and Gender-Violence Law in Nicaragua’, Latin American Politics and Society, 60: 2 (2018), pp. 61–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walsh and Menjívar, ‘“What Guarantees Do We Have?”’

14 Mintrom, Michael and Norman, Phillipa, ‘Policy Entreneurship and Policy Change’, Policy Studies Journal, 37: 4 (2009), pp. 649–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 See, among others, Htun, Mala and Weldon, S. Laurel, ‘The Civic Origins of Progressive Policy Change’, American Political Science Review, 106: 3 (2012), pp. 548–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McBride, Dorothy E. and Mazur, Amy G., The Politics of State Feminism: Innovation in Comparative Research (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Waylen, Georgina, ‘Informal Institutions, Institutional Change, and Gender Equality’, Political Research Quarterly, 67: 1 (2014), pp. 212–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 See, among others, Montoya, Celeste, From Global to Grassroots: The European Union, Transnational Advocacy, and Combating Violence against Women (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fábián, Katalin (ed.), Domestic Violence in Postcommunist States: Local Activism, National Policies, and Global Forces (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Htun and Weldon, ‘The Civic Origins’.

17 Lovenduski, Joni (ed.), State Feminism and Political Representation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 Conservatives are not an entirely homogenous group, but this term accurately describes the vast majority of individuals and groups contesting progressive VAW laws. Jubb, Nadine, ‘Love, Family Values and Reconciliation for All, but What about Rights, Justice and Citizenship for Women? The FSLN, the Women's Movement, and Violence against Women in Nicaragua’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, 33: 3 (2014), pp. 289–304CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19 Hunnicutt, Gwen, ‘Varieties of Patriarchy and Violence against Women: Resurrecting “Patriarchy” as a Theoretical Tool’, Violence against Women, 15: 5 (2009), p. 557CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 Ibid.

21 Young, Iris Marion, Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Cheryl O'Brien, ‘An Analysis of Global Sex Trafficking’, Indiana Journal of Political Science, winter 2008/9, pp. 6–18; Menjívar, Cecilia, Enduring Violence: Ladina Women's Lives in Guatemala (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

22 Htun, Mala and Weldon, S. Laurel, ‘State Power, Religion, and Women's Rights: A Comparative Analysis of Family Law’, Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies, 18: 1 (2011), pp. 145–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Boesten, Jelke, ‘Pushing Back the Boundaries: Social Policy, Domestic Violence and Women's Organisations in Peru’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 38: 2 (2006), pp. 355–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 Boesten, Jelke, ‘The State and Violence against Women in Peru: Intersecting Inequalities and Patriarchal Rule’, Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society, 19: 3 (2012), p. 364CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Keck, Margaret and Sikkink, Kathryn, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

25 Weldon, Protest, Policy, p. 63.

26 Ibid.; Jubb, Nadine, Camacho, Gloria, D'Angelo, Almachiara, de la Borda, Gina Yáñez, Hernández, Kattya, León, Ivonne Macassi, Santos, Cecília MacDowell, Molina, Yamileth and Pasinato, Wânia, Regional Mapping Study of Women's Police Stations in Latin America (Quito: CEPLAES, 2008)Google Scholar.

27 Jubb, ‘Love, Family Values’.

28 Bob, The Global Right Wing, p. 34; Chafetz, J. S. and Dworkin, A. G., ‘In the Face of Threat: Organized Antifeminism in Comparative Perspective’, Gender and Society, 1: 1 (1987), pp. 33–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Haas, Liesl, Feminist Policymaking in Chile (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Htun, Mala and Weldon, S. Laurel, ‘When Do Governments Promote Women's Rights? A Framework for the Comparative Analysis of Sex Equality Policy’, Perspectives on Politics, 8: 1 (2010), pp. 207–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kang, ‘How Civil Society’; Mansbridge, Jane, Why We Lost the Era (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 Blofield, Merike, ‘Women's Choices in Comparative Perspective: Abortion Policies in Late-Developing Catholic Countries’, Comparative Politics, 40: 4 (2008), pp. 399–419CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Defago, María Angélica Peñas and Faúndes, José Manuel Morán, ‘Conservative Litigation against Sexual and Reproductive Health Policies in Argentina’, Reproductive Health Matters, 22: 44 (2015), pp. 82–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Htun, Mala, Sex and the State: Abortion, Divorce, and the Family under Latin American Dictatorships and Democracies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Htun and Weldon, ‘The Civic Origins’; Piscopo, Jennifer, ‘Female Leadership and Sexual Health Policy in Argentina’, Latin American Research Review, 49: 1 (2014), pp. 104–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 O'Brien, Cheryl, ‘Transnational Issue-Specific Expert Networking: A Pathway to Local Policy Change’, Social Science and Medicine, 146 (Dec. 2015), pp. 285–91CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

31 Htun, Mala and Weldon, S. Laurel, ‘Religious Power, the State, Women's Rights, and Family Law’, Politics and Gender, 11: 3 (2015), pp. 451–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Haas, Feminist Policymaking in Chile.

33 Jubb, ‘Love, Family Values’.

34 ‘Although little noted by analysts, most global issues involve not just a single “progressive” movement promoting a cause, but also rivals fighting it’, in Bob, The Global Right Wing, p. 2.

35 Paromita Sen, Catalina Vallejo and Denise Walsh with Sarah Corning, ‘Backlash to Women's Civic and Political Participation in the Global South: Steps Toward a Meta-Analysis’, presented at the 2018 Midwest Political Science Association Conference (MPSA) in Chicago, Illinois, pp. 1–42.

36 Ibid., p. 18.

37 Ibid.

38 George, Alexander L. and Bennett, Andrew, Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005), p. 75Google Scholar.

39 INEGI, Jalisco: Socioeconomics, Population, and Education (Aguascalientes: INEGI, 2010)Google Scholar, available at http://cuentame.inegi.org.mx/monografias/informacion/jal/default.aspx?tema=me&e=1, last access 13 May 2019.

40 Anonymous (civil society actors), interviews 1, 2, 5, 12, 16, 17, 19, 20 and 25, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

41 Anonymous (civil society actors), interviews 1, 2, 3, 9, 10, 13, 16, 19, 23 and 24, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

42 Guadalupe Cruz Jaimes, ‘Respeto a Estado laico en Jalisco, demandan ONG’, Comunicación e Información de la Mujer (Communication and Information on Women, CIMAC), Mexico City, 7 Oct. 2010, available at www.cimacnoticias.com.mx/node/41577, last access 13 May 2019.

43 Anonymous (civil society actors), interviews 1, 4, 5, 10, 17 and 20, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

44 Andrea Becerril, ‘Piden auditar finanzas del gobierno de Jalisco; posible desvío de fondos al clero’, La Jornada, 25 May 2008.

45 José Antonio Román, ‘No puede haber una “separación total” entre el Estado y el clero; siempre “se tocan”, alega’, La Jornada, 2 April 2008.

46 Camp, Roderic, Politics in Mexico: The Democratic Consolidation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007)Google Scholar.

47 Anonymous (civil society actors), interviews 1, 2, 7, 21, 22 and 28, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

48 Elena Aguilar Vilialobos and Felipe Alatorre Rodríguez, ‘La Iniciativa Popular, un ejercicio ciudadano en Jalisco’, presentation at the Red de Investigadores en Gobiernos Locales Mexicanos (Network of Researchers in Mexican Local Governments, IGLOM) Conference, Guadalajara, 23–4 Sept. 1999, p. 2.

49 Anonymous (civil society actors), interviews 2, 6, 7, 10, 15, 16, 19 and 21, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

50 Vilialobos and Rodríguez, ‘La Iniciativa’, p. 3.

51 Mexico ratified the Belém do Pará Convention in 1998; Mexico signed the Optional Protocol to CEDAW on 10 Dec. 1999 and ratified it in 2002.

52 Vilialobos and Rodríguez, ‘La Iniciativa’; Luis Rigoberto Gallardo Gómez, ‘Acción colectiva y construcción de ciudadanía en Jalisco. Los casos del Círculo de Mujeres por México y para México y del colectivo Voces Unidas’, thesis, Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Occidente (ITESO), 2007.

53 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview 10, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

54 See, for example, Ignacio Pérez Vega, ‘Violencia intrafamiliar: La Iglesia hace críticas a la iniciativa’, Público, Guadalajara, 17 July 1999.

55 Anonymous (civil society actors), interviews 2, 3, 6, 15 and 19, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012. Author read and confirmed the cardinal's letter to United Voices during interview 15.

56 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview 2, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

57 Anonymous (civil society actors), interviews 2, 6, 10, 15, 16 and 19, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

58 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview 19, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

59 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview 6, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

60 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview 16, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

61 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview 15, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

62 Ibid.

63 Anonymous (civil society actors), interviews 2, 6, 10, 15, 16 and 19, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

64 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview 7, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

65 Anonymous (civil society actors), interviews 2, 7, 10, 15, 16 and 19, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

66 Ibid.

67 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview 16, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

68 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview 19, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

69 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview 2, by Cheryl O'Brien, Guadalajara, Feb. 2012.

70 Maxine Molyneux, ‘Mobilization without Emancipation? Women's Interests, the State, and Revolution in Nicaragua’, Feminist Studies, 11: 2 (1985), pp. 227–54.

71 Babb, Florence E., After Revolution: Mapping Gender and Cultural Politics in Neoliberal Nicaragua (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

72 Ibid.

73 Jubb et al., Regional Mapping.

74 Walsh, Shannon Drysdale, ‘Advances and Limitations of Policing and Human Security for Women: Nicaragua in Comparative Perspective’, in Sanford, Victoria, Stefatos, Katerina and Salvi, Cecilia M. (eds.), Gender Violence in Peace and War: States of Complicity (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2016), pp. 133–45Google Scholar.

75 Friedman, ‘Re(gion)alizing Women's Human Rights’.

76 Nicaraguan National Assembly, Law 779, published in La Gaceta, Managua, 22 Feb. 2012; Azahálea Solís, ‘The Reform of Law 779 Sends Society a Very Negative Message’, Envío, Nov. 2013, available at www.envio.org.ni/articulo/4783, last access 13 May 2019.

77 Solís, ‘The Reform’; Alba Luz Ramos, ‘II encuentro abordaje de la violencia contra las mujeres, niñez y adolescencia. Cumplimiento de los compromisos de Belem [sic] do Pará y acceso a al [sic] justicia’, Managua, 8 Sept. 2010, p. 15.

78 Anonymous (non-state actor), interview by Shannon Drysdale Walsh, Managua, 31 July 2015.

79 Nicaraguan Government, Decree 42–2014, ‘Reglamento a la Ley 779, ley integral contra la violencia hacia las mujeres y de reformas a la Ley 641, “Código Penal”’, approved 30 July 2014, published in La Gaceta, Managua, 31 July 2014.

80 Htun, Sex and the State.

81 Anderson, Leslie E. and Dodd, Lawrence C., Learning Democracy: Citizen Engagement and Electoral Choice in Nicaragua, 1990–2001 (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

82 Ibid.; Edgerton, Anna and Sotirova, Ina, ‘Sex and the Barrio: A Clash of Faith in Latin America’, World Policy Journal, 28: 4 (2011), pp. 34–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walker, Thomas W. and Wade, Christine J., Living in the Shadow of the Eagle (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2011)Google Scholar.

83 Anderson and Dodd, Learning Democracy.

84 Morris, Kenneth Earl, Unfinished Revolution: Daniel Ortega and Nicaragua's Struggle for Liberation (Chicago, IL: Lawrence Hill, 2010)Google Scholar.

85 Kampwirth, Karen, Latin America's New Left and the Politics of Gender: Lessons from Nicaragua (Galesburg, IL: Springer Science and Business Media, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Disney, Jennifer Leigh, Women's Activism and Feminist Agency in Mozambique and Nicaragua (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; Walker and Wade, Living in the Shadow.

86 Morris, Unfinished Revolution.

87 Ibid.; Kampwirth, Latin America's New Left.

88 Edgerton and Sotirova, ‘Sex and the Barrio’, p. 36.

89 Kampwirth, Latin America's New Left, p. 186.

90 Edgerton and Sotirova, ‘Sex and the Barrio’, p. 36.

91 Ibid.

92 Bradshaw, Sarah, ‘An Unholy Trinity: The Church, the State, the Banks and the Challenges for Women Mobilising for Change in Nicaragua’, Institute of Development Studies Bulletin, 39: 6 (2008), pp. 67–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

93 Ibid., p. 69.

94 Solís, ‘The Reform’.

95 ‘El día que Zoilamérica pidío perdón a Rosario Murillo’, El Nuevo Diario y La Prensa, Managua, 19 Aug. 2008, available at www.radiolaprimerisima.com/noticias/35826/el-dia-que-zoilamerica-pidio-perdon-a-rosario-murillo-, last access 13 May 2019; Anonymous (civil society actors), interviews by Shannon Drysdale Walsh, Managua, 29 July 2015.

96 Larry Diamond, ‘Democracy's Third Wave Today’, Current History, Nov. 2011, pp. 299–307.

97 Anonymous (state actor), interview by Shannon Drysdale Walsh, Managua, 30 July 2015.

98 Nicaraguan National Assembly, Law 779, Article 5.

99 Ibid., Article 8.

100 Ibid., p. 9.

101 Ibid., Articles 31–3.

102 Jubb, ‘Love, Family Values’.

103 Chinchilla, N. S., ‘Revolutionary Popular Feminism in Nicaragua: Articulating Class, Gender, and National Sovereignty’, Gender and Society, 4: 3 (1990), pp. 370–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Criquillón, A., ‘The Nicaraguan Women's Movement: Feminist Reflections’, in Sinclair, Minor (ed.), The Politics of Survival: Grassroots Movements in Central America (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1995), pp. 209–38Google Scholar; Jubb, ‘Love, Family Values’; Kampwirth, Karen, ‘Abortion, Antifeminism, and the Return of Daniel Ortega: In Nicaragua, Leftist Politics?’, Latin American Perspectives, 35: 6 (2008), pp. 122–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Populism and the Feminist Challenge in Nicaragua: The Return of Daniel Ortega’, in Gender and Populism in Latin America: Passionate Politics (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010), pp. 162–79Google Scholar; Molyneux, ‘Mobilization’.

104 Close, David, Nicaragua: Navigating the Politics of Democracy (Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner, 2016)Google Scholar; Close, David, Puig, Salvador Martí i and McConnell, Shelley A. (eds.), The Sandinistas and Nicaragua Since 1979 (Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner, 2012)Google Scholar.

105 Solís, ‘The Reform’.

106 Carlos Salinas, ‘Nicaragua is one of Latin America's Safest Countries – But Not for Women’, El País, Managua, 27 June 2014, available at http://elpais.com/m/elpais/2014/06/27/inenglish/1403883675_967629.html, last access 13 May 2019.

107 Jubb, ‘Love, Family Values’.

108 Danilo Martínez, quoted in Chester Membreño, ‘La Ley 779 y los abogados democráticos’, La Prensa, Managua, 18 June 2013.

109 Ibid.

110 Solís, ‘The Reform’, p. 6; Nicaraguan National Assembly, ‘Ley N°. 846, ley de modificación al artículo 46 y de adición a los artículos 30, 31 y 32 de la Ley No. 779, ley integral contra la violencia hacia las mujeres y de reformas a la Ley No. 641, “Código Penal”’, passed 25 Sept. 2013, published 1 Oct. 2013.

111 Nicaraguan Government, Decree 42–2014.

112 Article 1 and Consideration 2, as quoted in Movimiento Renovador Sandinista (Sandinista Renovation Movement, MRS), Red de Mujeres (Women's Network), ‘Cuadro comparativo Ley 779 y Decreto 42–2014 (reglamento a la Ley 779)’, Managua, 2014. See this document for a detailed comparison of the original Law 779 and the revised version.

113 Anonymous (civil society actor), email exchange with Shannon Drysdale Walsh, 15 Aug. 2015.

114 Close et al. (eds.), The Sandinistas and Nicaragua Since 1979.

115 Anonymous (civil society actor), interview by Shannon Drysdale Walsh, Managua, 31 July 2015.

116 Htun and Weldon, ‘When Do Governments’.

117 Pew Research Center, ‘Religion in Latin America: Widespread Change in a Historically Catholic Region’, Pew Research Center, Washington DC, 13 Nov. 2014, available at www.pewforum.org/2014/11/13/religion-in-latin-america/#history-of-religious-change, last access 14 May 2019.

118 For example, Krook, Mona Lena and Sanín, Juliana Restrepo, ‘Gender and Political Violence in Latin America: Concepts, Debates and Solutions’, Política y Gobierno, 23: 1 (2016), pp. 125–57Google Scholar; Piscopo, Jennifer M., ‘State Capacity, Criminal Justice, and Political Rights: Rethinking Violence against Women in Politics’, Política y Gobierno, 23: 2 (2016), pp. 437–58Google Scholar.