Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-dk4vv Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-23T13:31:22.533Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

‘This Mixed Species of Population Will Consume’: Atlantic Expectations about Spanish American Consumers in the Age of Revolutions, 1780–1831

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 May 2019

Ana María Otero-Cleves Open the ORCID record for Ana María Otero-Cleves [Opens in a new window]
Ana María Otero-Cleves*
Affiliation:
Associate Professor in the Department of History, Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá, Colombia.
*
*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected].
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This article explores how late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century ideas of the Spanish American consumer took shape. It argues that Atlantic debates on consumption, on the one hand, and on racial difference, on the other, provided a common ground on which foreign visitors, diplomats and commentators, as well as Colombian elite intellectuals, could jointly create a positive idea of the Spanish American consumer. The article demonstrates that, in the eyes of those who had either political or economic interest in the region, it was possible for Spanish American Indians, Blacks and ‘mixed races’ to gradually overcome their ‘backwardness’ by adopting new practices of consumption. The consumption of new necessities by the Spanish American popular sectors became, for many of these commentators, an irrefutably civilising force.

Spanish abstract

Este artículo explora cómo tomaron forma las ideas del consumidor de la América Hispánica de fines del siglo XVIII y principios del XIX. Señala que los debates atlánticos sobre el consumo, por un lado, y sobre la diferencia racial, por el otro, proporcionaron un terreno común en el que visitantes extranjeros, diplomáticos y comentaristas, así como intelectuales de la élite colombiana, pudieron crear conjuntamente una idea positiva del consumidor hispanoamericano. El artículo demuestra que para aquellos que tenían intereses políticos o económicos en la región era posible concebir que los indios, negros y ‘razas mezcladas’ de Hispanoamérica podrían superar gradualmente su ‘atraso’ mediante la adopción de nuevas prácticas de consumo. El consumo de nuevas necesidades por parte de los sectores populares hispanoamericanos se volvió, para muchos de estos comentaristas, una fuerza civilizadora irrefutable.

Portuguese abstract

Este artigo explora como se formaram ideias sobre o consumidor Hispano-Americano no final do século dezoito e começo do século dezanove. Também argumenta que debates Atlânticos, que de um lado abordavam consumo e de outro a diferença racial, proporcionaram um consenso sobre o qual visitantes estrangeiros, diplomatas, comentaristas, e também intelectuais da elite Colombiana, puderam criar uma ideia positiva do consumidor Hispano-Americano. Este artigo demonstra que aos olhos dos que tinham interesse político ou económico na região, era possível para os índios Hispano-Americanos, negros e miscigenados gradualmente superar seus estados de ‘atraso’ através da adopção de novas práticas de consumo. O consumo de novas necessidades pelos sectores populares Hispano-Americanos se tornou, para muitos destes comentaristas, uma força civilizadora irrefutável.

Keywords

consumptionpolitical economyraceSpanish AmericaGran ColombiaNew Granadaconsumoeconomía políticarazaHispanoaméricaGran ColombiaNueva Granadaconsumoeconomia políticaraçaAmérica HispânicaGrã-ColômbiaNova Granada
Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 51 , Issue 4 , November 2019 , pp. 745 - 769
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Cardim, Pedro, Herzog, Tamar, Ibáñez, José Javier Ruiz and Sabatini, Gaetano, Polycentric Monarchies: How Did Early Modern Spain and Portugal Achieve and Maintain a Global Hegemony? (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2012), p. 4Google Scholar.

2 The Viceroyalty of New Granada was the name given to the jurisdiction of the Spanish Empire in northern South America corresponding to modern Colombia, Ecuador, Panama and Venezuela. Once these territories gained independence from Spain in 1819, they united in a single republic known as the Republic of Colombia until 1831. For the purpose of this article, the term ‘Colombia’ will refer – unless otherwise stated – to the territories of the Republic of Colombia in 1819.

3 For the eighteenth-century political economy of Spain and Spanish America see, among many others, Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge, How to Write the History of the New World (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge, ‘Eighteenth-Century Spanish Political Economy: Epistemology and Decline’, in Nature, Empire, and Nation: Explorations of the History of Science in the Iberian World (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2006), pp. 96–111Google Scholar; Paquette, Gabriel, Enlightenment, Governance and Reform in Spain and its Empire, 1759–1808 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008)Google Scholar; Paquette, Gabriel (ed.), Enlightened Reform in Southern Europe and its Atlantic Colonies, c.1750–1830 (London and New York: Routledge, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On New Granada, see: María José Afanador-Llach, ‘Political Economy, Geographical Imagination, and Territory in the Making and Unmaking of New Granada, 1739–1830’, unpubl. PhD diss., University of Texas, 2016.

4 Reinert, Sophus A., Translating Empire: Emulation and the Origins of Political Economy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), p. 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Paquette, Gabriel, ‘Views from the South: Images of Britain and its Empire in Portuguese and Spanish Political Economic Discourse, ca. 1740–1810’, in Reinert, Sophus and Røge, Pernille (eds.), The Political Economy of Empire in the Early Modern World (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), pp. 76–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Bauer, Arnold J., Goods, Power, History: Latin America's Material Culture (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Orlove, Benjamin, The Allure of the Foreign: Giving Importance to Imports (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 For a general survey of the debates within the field of consumption in Latin America see Fernando Rocchi, ‘Consumption in Latin America’, available at Oxford Handbooks Online (October 2016): http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935369.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199935369-e-14, last access 30 Dec. 2018. Rocchi explores historians’ views on a different range of topics, including commodity histories, domestic market consumption, globalisation and consumer political activism; studies of nineteenth-century consumption are the least represented in his survey. See also Trentmann, Frank and Otero-Cleves, Ana María, ‘Paths, Deflections, and Connections: Consumption and its Contribution to Latin American History’, Historia Crítica, 65 (2017), pp. 13–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 Otero-Cleves, Ana María, ‘Foreign Machetes and Cheap Cotton Cloth: Popular Consumers and Imported Commodities in Nineteenth-Century Colombia’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 97: 3 (2017), pp. 423–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Vries, Jan de, The Industrious Revolution: Consumer Behavior and the Household Economy, 1650 to the Present (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009)Google Scholar. I embrace in particular de Vries’ view that ‘consumer aspirations have a history; they are not simply the second-order consequences of other, more fundamental forces, nor are they autonomous acts of creative individuality’ (pp. ix, 25).

10 Mandeville, Bernard, The Fable of the Bees and Other Writings (Cambridge, MA: Hackett, 1998)Google Scholar.

11 Unlike Hume and Smith, Mandeville saw consumption as a source of public wealth, but not of individual virtue: ‘avarice, prodigality, luxury, envy, vanity, and gluttony lead not to social decay and disorder but to prosperity’, cited in de Vries, The Industrious Revolution, p. 46. For a complete and excellent summary of the subject, see de Vries, The Industrious Revolution, chapter 2.

12 For an understanding of the meanings and ramifications of the idea of luxury in history see Berry, Christopher J., Idea of Luxury: A Conceptual and Historical Investigation (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 For an analysis of Mandeville's views on luxury see Carmagnani, Marcello, Las islas del lujo: Productos exóticos, nuevos consumos y cultura económica europea, 1650–1800 (Mexico City: El Colegio de México, 2012), p. 31Google Scholar.

14 In Jan de Vries’ words, ‘The Old Luxury, striving for grandeur or exquisite refinement, could be emulated only by distinctly inferior adaptations. The New Luxury, striving more for comfort and pleasure, lent itself to multiplication and diffusion’: The Industrious Revolution, p. 44.

15 Berg, Maxine and Eger, Elizabeth, ‘The Rise and Fall of the Luxury Debates’, in Luxury in the Eighteenth Century: Debates, Desires and Delectable Goods (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 7Google Scholar.

16 Hume, David, ‘Of the Rise and Progress of the Arts and Sciences’, Essays, Moral, Political and Literary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 112–39Google Scholar.

17 Brewer, Anthony, ‘Luxury and Economic Development: David Hume and Adam Smith’, Scottish Journal of Political Economy, 45: 1 (1998), pp. 78–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 Guarinos, Juan Sempere y, Historia del lujo y de las leyes suntuarias en España (Valencia: Alfons el Magnànim, 2000)Google Scholar.

19 Ibid., as cited by Paquette, ‘Views from the South’, p. 85.

20 Melo, Jorge Orlando, ‘Introducción’, in Escritos económicos: Antonio de Narváez y José Ignacio de Pombo (Bogotá: Banco de la República, 2010), pp. 7–8Google Scholar.

21 de Vargas, Pedro Fermín, Pensamientos políticos y memoria sobre la población del Nuevo Reino de Granada (Bogotá: Biblioteca Popular de la Cultura Colombiana, 1944), p. 95Google Scholar. My emphasis. This and subsequent translations from Spanish to English are mine.

22 De Vries, The Industrious Revolution, chapter 2.

23 Papel Periódico de la Ciudad de Santafé de Bogotá, no. 12, 29 April 1791, pp. 89–90. My emphasis.

24 Ibid.

25 José Ignacio de Pombo, ‘Informe del Real Consulado de Cartagena de Indias’, in Escritos económicos: Antonio de Narváez y José Ignacio de Pombo, p. 282.

26 de Caldas, Francisco José, Estado de la geografía del Virreinato de Santafé de Bogotá, con relación a la economía y al comercio, por don Francisco José de Caldas, individuo meritorio de la Expedición Botánica del Reino, y encargado del Observatorio Astronómico de esta capital, in Obras completas de Francisco José de Caldas (Bogotá: Imprenta Nacional, 1966), pp. 183–4, 194Google Scholar.

27 This argument will be further developed in the third section of this article.

28 Gabriel Paquette argued that ‘the vast majority of seventeenth-century English political writers employed the Spanish Empire as a symbol of incompetence, rapacity, and misgovernment, an aspirant to universal monarchy, a barbarous destroyer of America's indigenous peoples’: ‘The Intellectual Context of British Diplomatic Recognition of the South American Republics, c. 1800–1830’, Journal of Transatlantic Studies, 2: 1 (2004), p. 82Google Scholar. Eighteenth-century writers such as William Burke, Adam Smith, the Abbé Raynal and Montesquieu would reinforce this critical view. Indeed, as Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra has stated, ‘the European Enlightenment had no patience with Spain’: ‘Eighteenth-Century Spanish Political Economy’, p. 96.

29 Adelman, Jeremy, ‘Introduction: The Problem of Persistence in Latin American History’, in Colonial Legacies: The Problem of Persistence in Latin American History (New York: Routledge, 1999), pp. ix, 7Google Scholar.

30 Ibid.

31 Torres, Manuel, An Exposition of the Commerce of Spanish America; with some Observations upon its Importance to the United States (Philadelphia, PA: G. Palmer, 1816)Google Scholar.

32 Duane, William, A Visit to Colombia: In the Years 1822 & 1823, by Laguayra and Caracas, over the Cordillera to Bogotá, and thence by the Magdalena to Cartagena, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, PA: T. H. Palmer, 1826)Google Scholar.

33 Henderson, James, A Series of Observations Submitted to the Right Honourable Thomas Wallace, M.P., Vice President of the Board of Trade: On the Expediency of Great Britain Entering into Commercial Regulations with the South American States, Accompanied by Brief Commercial Notices of the Five Republics (London: J. M. Richardson, 1822)Google Scholar; Henderson, James, Observations on the Great Commercial Benefits that Will Result from the Warehousing-Bill, Particularly as Regards the Free Transit of Foreign Linens, Silks, & Woollens: Respectfully Addressed to the Consideration of the Members of the British Parliament (London: J. M. Richardson, 1823)Google Scholar.

34 Walker, Alexander, Colombia: Being a Geographical, Statistical, Agricultural, Commercial, and Political Account of that Country, 2 vols. (London: Baldwin, Cradock and Joy, 1822)Google Scholar. The text appeared in both English and Spanish.

35 Bowman, Charles H. Jr., ‘Manuel Torres, A Spanish American Patriot in Philadelphia, 1796–1822’, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 94 (1970), pp. 26–53Google Scholar; Robertson, William Spence, ‘The First Legations of the United States in Latin America’, The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 2: 2 (1915), p. 190CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Henry, Monica, ‘Les premières publications révolutionnaires des exilés hispano-américains aux Etats-Unis’, Transatlantica, 2 (2006)Google Scholar, available at: http://transatlantica.revues.org/1146 (last access 30 Dec. 2018).

36 Ardila, Daniel Gutiérrez, El reconocimiento de Colombia: Diplomacia y propaganda en las restauraciones (1819–1831) (Bogotá: Universidad Externado de Colombia, 2012), p. 55Google Scholar.

37 Rojas, Rafael, Las repúblicas de aire: Utopía y desencanto en la revolución de Hispanoamérica (Buenos Aires: Taurus, 2010), p. 127Google Scholar.

38 Bowman Jr., ‘Manuel Torres’, p. 41; William Duane to Juan Germán Roscio, 13 Dec. 1819, Secretaría de Guerra y Marina, Archivo Histórico Nacional (Bogotá, Colombia), vol. 1 (part 3), fos. 583r–584v, in Bowman, Charles H. Jr., ‘Correspondence of William Duane in Two Archives in Bogotá’, Revista de Historia de América, 82 (1976), pp. 111–25Google Scholar.

39 Bowman, Charles H. Jr., ‘The Activities of Manuel Torres as Purchasing Agent, 1820–1821’, The Hispanic American Historical Review, 48: 2 (1968), pp. 234–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rojas, Las repúblicas de aire, p. 127.

40 See, for instance, Anonymous [Manuel Torres], Reflexiones sobre el comercio de España con sus colonias en tiempo de guerra (Philadelphia, PA: T. and G. Palmer, 1799), published in English in 1800.

41 Torres, An Exposition of the Commerce of Spanish America, p. 1.

42 Ibid.

43 Torres used colonial territorial administrative divisions to describe Spanish America: the viceroyalties of New Spain, New Granada, Peru and Rio de la Plata, and the four captain-generalships of Yucatán, Guatemala, Venezuela and Chile, the islands in the Caribbean – Cuba, Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo, etc. – and those in the Pacific, off the shore of Chile. Torres, An Exposition of the Commerce of Spanish America, p. 8.

44 Ibid., p. 9. This is a characterisation that was certainly shared with other Neogranadinos. Indeed, Francisco José de Caldas and his contemporaries had been offering in the scientific journal Semanario del Nuevo Reyno de Granada – which Torres knew – a somewhat utopian view of the kingdom's commercial destiny based on the uniqueness of New Granada's geography and of its blessed and bountiful natural resources. In his Estado de la geografía del Virreinato (p. 188), Caldas proclaimed in a tone very similar to that of Torres that ‘Nueva Granada appear[ed] destined by its geographical position for universal commerce’.

45 Torres, An Exposition of the Commerce of Spanish America, p. 7.

46 Ibid., p. 10.

47 Ibid., pp. 10–11.

48 Durey, Michael, Transatlantic Radicals and the Early American Republic (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1997)Google Scholar; Little, Nigel, Transoceanic Radical, William Duane: National Identity and Empire 1760–1835 (London: Routledge, 2016)Google Scholar.

49 Bowman Jr., ‘Manuel Torres’, p. 41.

50 Bache, Richard, Notes on Colombia, Taken in the Years 1822–3: With an Itinerary of the Route from Caracas to Bogotá; and an Appendix (Philadelphia, PA: H. C. Carey and I. Lea, 1827)Google Scholar.

51 Duane, A Visit to Colombia, vol. 1, p. iv.

52 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 72.

53 Ibid., p. 474.

54 Ibid., p. 477.

55 Ibid.

56 Hamilton, John Potter, Travels through the Interior Provinces of Columbia [sic] (London: J. Murray, 1827), vol. 1, pp. 1, 22Google Scholar; Jones, Raymond A., The British Diplomatic Service, 1815–1914 (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1983), p. 204Google Scholar.

57 Henderson, A Series of Observations, p. 8.

58 Edward Watts to George Canning, 9 May 1824, quoted in Humphreys, R. A. (ed.), British Consular Reports on the Trade and Politics of Latin America 1824–26 (London: Camden Society, 1940), p. 245Google Scholar.

59 Henderson, A Series of Observations, p. 18.

60 For an excellent account of the success of British manufactured goods and their adoption in the Southern Cone, see: Llorca-Jaña, Manuel, The British Textile Trade in South America in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014)Google Scholar.

61 ‘Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation between his Majesty and the Republic of Colombia, which was concluded and signed at Bogotá on the 18th of April, by the British and Colombian Plenipotentiaries’, The National Archives of the United Kingdom, Board of Trade, Colombia: Consular Reports, 1825–1827, BT 6/40.

62 Archivo General de la Nación (Bogotá, Colombia), Historia, SAA-I.17, 23, D.69. Título 69. This archive contains, inter alia, Walker's reports to the Colombian government on British public opinion regarding Spanish American independence and his complaints to Zea about not being paid regularly.

63 Castillo, Lina del, ‘La Gran Colombia de la Gran Bretaña: La importancia del lugar en la producción de imágenes nacionales, 1819–1830’, Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades, 24 (2010), pp. 124–49Google Scholar.

64 Walker, Colombia, vol. 2, p. 221.

65 Ibid., pp. 227–46.

66 MacFarlane, Anthony, Colombia before Independence: Economy, Society, and Politics under Bourbon Rule (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 105CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McKinley, P. Michael, Pre-Revolutionary Caracas: Politics, Economy and Society 1777–1811 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012)Google Scholar; Andrien, Kenneth J., The Kingdom of Quito, 1690–1830: The State and Regional Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), especially p. 21Google Scholar.

67 Walker, Alexander, The Recognition, the Loan, and the Colonization of Colombia (London: Baldwin, Cradock and Joy, 1822)Google Scholar.

68 Ibid., p. 6.

69 In particular, see Pratt, Mary Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 2003), chapter 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ‘Alexander von Humboldt and the Reinvention of America’.

70 Sean P. Harvey, ‘Ideas of Race in Early America’, in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History, available at http://oxfordre.com/americanhistory/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-262?rskey=4tSGqw&result=1, last access 30 Dec. 2018.

71 The scholarship on ideas of race in the eighteenth century has grown too large to cite exhaustively, but see especially Davis, David Brion, ‘Constructing Race: A Reflection’, William and Mary Quarterly, 54: 1 (1997), pp. 7–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hudson, Nicholas, ‘From “Nation” to “Race”: The Origins of Racial Classification in Eighteenth-Century Thought’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 29: 3 (1996), pp. 247–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pagden, Anthony, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999)Google Scholar; Kidd, Colin, The Forging of Races: Race and Scripture in the Protestant Atlantic World, 1600–2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72 Henderson, Observations on the Great Commercial Benefits, pp. 43–4.

73 Henderson, A Series of Observations, pp. 6–7.

74 Ibid., p. 7.

75 Hirschman, Albert O., The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before its Triumph (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pocock, J. G. A., Virtue, Commerce, and History (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), esp. pp. 109, 118CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

76 As argued by Jan de Vries, ‘the New Luxury paired what David Hume called a “refinement in the gratification of the senses” with incentives to the expansion of commerce’, and polished and softened manners in a commercial society: The Industrious Revolution, p. 45.

77 Dickey, Laurence Winant, ‘Doux-Commerce and Humanitarian Values: Free Trade, Sociability and Universal Benevolence in Eighteenth-Century Thinking’, Grotiana, 22–3 (2002), pp. 271–318CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

78 De Vries, The Industrious Revolution, p. 45.

79 Ibid., p. 64.

80 José del Campillo y Cossío, Nuevo sistema de gobierno económico para la América ([Madrid: Benito Cano, 1743] Mérida: Universidad de los Andes, Facultad de Humanidades y Educación, 1971). (In early sources the minister's name is written with a single ‘s’, ‘Cosío’.)

81 Ibid., p. 68; emphasis added.

82 Ibid., pp. 172–5, cited in Afanador-Llach, ‘Political Economy’, p. 66.

83 Safford, Frank, ‘Race, Integration, and Progress: Elite Attitudes and the Indian in Colombia, 1750–1870’, The Hispanic American Historical Review, 71: 1 (1991), pp. 1–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

84 Antonio de Narváez y de la Torre, ‘Discurso del Mariscal del Campo de los R.S. Exercitos’, in Escritos económicos: Antonio de Narváez y José Ignacio de Pombo, p. 156.

85 Hall, Francis, Colombia: Its Present State, in Respect of Climate, Soil, Productions, Population, Government, Commerce, Revenue, Manufactures, Arts, Literature, Manners, Education, and Inducements to Emigration: With an Original Map; and Itineraries, Partly from Spanish Surveys, and Partly from Actual Observations (London: Baldwin, Cradock and Joy, 1827), p. 11Google Scholar.

86 Ibid., p. 13.

87 Ibid., p. 14.

88 Ibid., p. 36; my emphasis.

89 Ibid., p. 37.

90 Pombo, ‘Informe del Real Consulado de Cartagena de Indias’, p. 250; my emphasis.

91 Ibid., p. 330.

92 Gerbi, Antonello, The Dispute of the New World: The History of a Polemic, 1750–1900 (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cañizares-Esguerra, How to Write the History of the New World.

93 Miguel de Pombo, ‘Discurso político en que se manifiesta la necesidad y la importancia de la extinción de los estancos de tabacos y aguardiente y la abolición de los tributos de los indios con los arbitrios que por ahora pueden adoptarse para llenar el vacío que sentirían los fondos públicos en estos ramos. Leído en la Junta Suprema de Santafé por su vocal el doctor don Miguel de Pombo, 1ro de septiembre de 1810’, as cited in Safford, ‘Race, Integration, and Progress’, p. 9.

94 Ibid.

95 Pombo, ‘Informe del Real Consulado de Cartagena de Indias’, p. 330.

96 Bushnell, David, The Santander Regime in Gran Colombia (Newark, NJ: University of Delaware Press, 1954), p. 76Google Scholar.

97 Steuart, John, Bogotá in 1836–7: Being a Narrative of an Expedition to the Capital of New-Grenada, and a Residence there of Eleven Months (New York: Harper and Bros., 1838)Google Scholar.

98 Ibid., Preface, p. [v].

99 Ibid., p. 14.

100 Rippy, J. Fred, ‘Latin America and the British Investment “Boom” of the 1820's’, The Journal of Modern History, 19: 2 (1947), pp. 122–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dawson, Frank G., The First Latin American Debt Crisis: The City of London and the 1822–25 Loan Bubble (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

101 Steuart, Bogotá in 1836–7, p. 148.

102 José Ignacio de Márquez, Esposición que el Ministro de Estado en el Despacho de Hacienda presenta a la Convención sobre los negocios de su Departamento (Bogotá, 3 Oct. 1831), p. 2. Available at http://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/186, last access 10 Jan. 2019.

103 Ibid, p. 7.

104 Henry Wood to George Canning, 28 Feb. 1826, quoted in Humphreys (ed.), British Consular Reports, pp. 236–7.

105 Otero-Cleves, ‘Foreign Machetes and Cheap Cotton Cloth’.

106 Lovejoy, Arthur O., ‘Reflections on the History of Ideas’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 1: 1 (1940), p. 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

107 See especially: Elliott, J. H., The Old World and the New, 1492–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Armitage, David and Braddick, Michael J., The British Atlantic World, 1500–1800 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kupperman, Karen Ordahl, The Atlantic in World History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012)Google Scholar; Linebaugh, Peter and Rediker, Marcus, The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2013)Google Scholar; Prior, David, ‘After the Revolution: An Alternative Future for Atlantic History’, History Compass, 12: 3 (2014), pp. 300–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For ideas of race see: Roberts, Justin, Slavery and the Enlightenment in the British Atlantic, 1750–1807 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018)Google Scholar and Michael Guasco, ‘The Idea of Race’, Oxford Bibliographies Online: http://www.oxfordbibliographiesonline.com/display/id/obo-9780199730414-0033, last access 15 Feb. 2019.