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A Primitive Export Sector: Guano Production in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Peru*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 February 2009
Extract
This paper sets out to examine the way in which guano was dug and removed from the Chincha islands in the middle of the nineteenth century, when the Peruvian trade was in its most buoyant phase. We shall, in fact, be looking at the physical operation of an entire export sector, up to the point at which the commodity left the shores of Peru for the farms of Western Europe and North America.
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References
1 Most of these questions have been treated only very briefly by Peruvian historians, and discussion of them in English has been either partial or cursory. Watt Stewart in Chinese Bondage in Peru (Durham N.C., 1951)Google Scholar provides a mass of information on labour recruicment and passage from China, and on the life of the Chinese in Peru, but has very little to say about guano work specifically. Levin, J. V. in The Export Economies (Cambridge, Mass., 1960) presents a fair body of facts and statistics and some useful comment on the very limited direct impact of Chincha enterprise on the Peruvian economy, but his observations scarcely represent a comprehensive evaluation of the loading system.Google Scholar
2 See, for example, Levin, Export Economics, p. 113,Google Scholar and graph and figures in Mathew, W. M., ‘Peru and the British Guano Market, 1840–1870’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 23, No. 1 (1970), pp. 120, 127.Google Scholar
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11 For many years in the management of the Gibbs house in Lima; later a guano contractor in his own right.Google Scholar
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55 This certainly was the view of the nine British captains who memorialized the Privy Council of Trade in 1854. See Memorial, Shipmasters', p. 187.Google Scholar
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62 In F.O. 61/148, dated 11 Feb. 1854. Conditions on the passage to Peru may also have had a deterrent effect. Overcrowding was acute, nourishment poor, diseases rife, discipline harsh, mutinies common, and the mortality rate high. See Stewart, Chinese Bondage, pp. 18, 62;Google ScholarMorse, H. B., The International Relations of the Chinese Empire (London, 1918), 11, 172;Google ScholarDiaries, Witt, iv, 27 June 1850 and 1 to 3 Feb. 1851;Google Scholar F.O. 61/197, Barton to Russell, 14 Nov. 1861;Google Scholar F.O. 61/233, Barton to Stanley, 13 Sept. 1866; P.O. 61/255,Google ScholarJerningham to Clarendon, 13 Aug. 1869.Google Scholar
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64 Guards were stationed on the islands to prevent escape from foreign vessels. ‘The Guano Islands’, Chambers' Journal, xv, No. 367 (12 Jan. 1861), 17.Google Scholar
65 Stewart, Chinese Bondage, pp. 24, 43.Google Scholar
66 Stewart, Chinese Bondage, p. 82.Google Scholar
67 The same figure was cited in an American journal in 1855 as the amount of the original ‘loan’ for passage. ‘Interesting from the Chincha Islands’, p. 20.Google Scholar
68 Memorial, Shipmasters', p. 188.Google Scholar
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70 Reproduced in ‘The Conduct of the Guano Trade’, pp. 208–9.Google Scholar
71 Ibid.
72 The Times, 7 Dec. 1853, p. 12; ‘Chincha Islands’, p. 214.Google Scholar
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77 Quoted in Murphy, Robert Cushman, Bird Islands of Peru (New York and London, 1925), P. 115.Google Scholar
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79 The Times, 12 Jan. 1855, P. 8.Google Scholar According to Peck, flogging of workers took place ‘almost constantly’. Murphy, op. cit., p. 112. See also ‘The Guano Islands ’, p. 18; ‘The Conduct of the Guano Trade’, pp. 208–9.Google Scholar
80 De Bow's Commercial Review, XIX (1855), 220.Google Scholar
81 Quoted in ‘The Chincha Islands’, p. 182. See also comments of ‘A New Zealand Settler’ in Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle (Apr. 1856), pp. 183–4.Google Scholar
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85 A Hungarian who apparently had borrowed the surname of his celebrated compatriot Fercncz Kossuth, and claimed, indeed, to be his brother. See Piérola, op. cit., p. 18, and ‘Chincha Islands’, p. 213.Google Scholar
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91 Arch. Hist., Correspond.a con los Consignat.s …, Mendiburu to William Gibbs & Co., 54 04 1854;Google ScholarIbid., Islas Chincha…, Mendiburu to Governor of Chincha, 22 Apr. 1854. There does, however, seem to have been an establishment of this sort prior to 1854. George Washington Peck writes of a ‘so-called’ hospital in 1853 (‘Chincha Islands’, p. 213) and the seamen who wrote to the Board of Trade in June 1854 mentioned ‘miserable… hospital comforts’, observing that ‘Kossuth declared who was sick and who was not, in opposition to the medical inspector, whose opinions were not listened to…’ (Memorial, Shipmasters', pp. 188–9).Google Scholar
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99 Information is available on loading routines in the early 18405. A random sample of 15 vessels taking on guano suggests that no work was done on Sundays (Arch. Hist., Año 1842. Guano). George Washington Peck stated in his account that labourers did not get Sundays off on the middle island, but that they were granted this privilege on the northern island (see Murphy, Bird Islands, p. 115). Given that the latter island was the more heavily populated and that the former was under the unusually harsh (and short-lived) rule of Carlos Kossuth at the time of Peck's visit, we may assume that the six-day week was the norm over the period as a whole.Google Scholar
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105 Piérola, Informe, pp. 4–32. Again, bonuses were paid for additional amounts.Google Scholar
106 Ibid., pp. 5–32.
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139 ‘Of course the expenditure for these new schemes’, wrote Piérola of the wharves he considered urgently required, ‘will appear excessive, but this will be more than offset by the savings’. If 500,000 tons were removed each year, by his calculation 25,000 tons or so would be lost, worth around 500,000 pesos to the government. ‘With this amount of money 10 wharves could be constructed…’ Informe, p. 11.Google Scholar
140 Slavery was abolished in Peru in 1855.Google Scholar
141 It is, however, worth asking, despite Levin's contention that Peru had little choice in the matter. Given the small numbers and minimal skills involved, and the quantity of unemployed and underemployed labour that must have been present in the coastal towns and cities, it is difficult to agree with his view that no areas of Peruvian society could, either individually or in aggregate, provide an adequate supply of workers. It is misleading to suggest, as he does, that most urban labour ‘was rigidly organised into guilds’ and, therefore, unable to move. Export Economies, pp. 40–41, 85–86.Google Scholar
142 I have excluded export merchants from the list since there is no very clear or substantial relationship between labour costs and efficiency and their commission-earning capacity.Google Scholar
143 In particular, from Bagley, William Chandler, Soil Exhaustion and the Civil War (Washington, 1942);Google ScholarStampp, Kenneth M., The Peculiar Institution (New York, 1956);Google ScholarGenovese, Eugene D., The Political Economy of Slavery (London, 1966);Google ScholarFogel, Robert William and Engerman, Stanley L., Time on the Cross (London, 1974).Google Scholar
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147 F.O. 61/174, Sulivan to Clarendon, 11 08 1857.Google Scholar
148 Ibid., p. 19.
149 ‘Chincha Guano Islands’, p. 100. See also Levin, Export Economics, p. 120.Google Scholar
150 Calculated from data for vessels sailing from the Chinchas to Britain in Bills A. Customs, London. Ships' Reports and Lloyd's Register of Shipping.Google Scholar
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152 The loans had nothing to do with the financial requirements of Chincha production. See Mathew, ‘Antony Gibbs’, ss. 3 and 4.Google Scholar
153 Ibid., s. 3. A recent estimate suggests that over the period 1849–61, the government took 65 per cent of gross sales proceeds from the very large portion of the trade contracted to the English house of Gibbs, most of the remainder going on freights. Hunt, ‘Growth and Guano’, p. 62.Google Scholar
154 The guano incomes of the principal mid-nineteenth-century contractors, Antony Gibbs & Sons, cannot be calculated with any precision, but it is notable that the London house's net earnings from all commission and brokerage work stood at an average of only £6,296 per annum in the 1830s, before they entered the trade, compared with £16,980 in the 1840s and £73,671 in the 1850s. Antony Gibbs & Sons Ltd., Business Archives. London head office general ledgers, first series, vols. for 1830 to 1859.Google Scholar
155 A proper evaluation of the economic activities of Peruvian governments in the guano period is not something that can be attempted in this paper. The negative assessment implied here is in accord with the works of Hunt, Levin, Mcqueen and Mathew cited above.Google Scholar See also Bonilla, Heraclio, ‘Aspects de l'histoire économique et sociale du Pérou au xixe siécle’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Paris, 1970). For a more favourable judgment,Google Scholar see Maiguashca, Juan, ‘A Reinterpretation of the Guano Age, 1840–1880’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Oxford, 1967).Google Scholar
156 Diaries, Witt, VI, 1 Jan. 1862.Google Scholar
157 Quoted in Pike, Fredrick B., The Modern History of Peru (London, 1967), p. 114.Google Scholar
158 This argument is a central feature of Hunt's paper, ‘Growth and Guano’, cited above.Google Scholar
159 Bills A. Customs, London. Ships' Reports examined for 1842, 1847, 1852, 1857 and 1862 reveal only three Peruvian registered ships carrying guano into Britain.Google Scholar
160 Diaries, Witt, IV, 11 Mar. 1849;Google Scholar F.O. 61/148, Gomez Sanchez to Sulivan, 10 Oct. 1848;Google ScholarMathew, W. M., ‘The First Anglo-Peruvian Debt and its Settlement, 1822–49,’ Journal of Latin American Studies, 11, pt. 1 (1970), passion.Google Scholar
161 The converse, however, that a more sophisticated Sector would have yielded substantial benefits, does not necessarily apply. Peru's experience with silver, nitrates and sugar, for example, shows this only too well. What we have been concerned with here are the manner and the scale of guano's inadequacy, and these, as has been demonstrated, were very closely related to the way in which it was produced.Google Scholar
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