No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 February 2009
The years 1910 to 1932 represent a key period for the study of military politics in a country which has prided itself on its armed forces for their professional, constitutional and non-interventionist tradition. Existing studies of the subject, while providing much detail on the background, development and outcome of the 1924 military intervention which is the central landmark of the period, have concentrated predominantly on army affairs and events in the capital, taking the metropolitan view. The substance and contention of this article is that the navy, and events outside the capital, exerted a significant influence on developments. The contention calls for an examination of the anatomy of the navy, the evolution of its influence, and the sources of conflict which it harboured.
1 Nunn, F. M., Chilean politics 1920–1931, the Honorable Mission of the Armed Forces (Albuquerque, 1970) and the same author'sGoogle ScholarThe Military in Chilean History — Essays in Civil—Military Relations, 1810–1973 (Albuquerque, 1976).Google Scholar
2 Overall naval development during this period is narrated in a recent oficial history, Rodrigo, Fuenzalida Bade, La Armada de Chile, desde la alborada basta el sesquicentenario (2nd ed., Valparaíso, 1978), pp. 1133–81.Google Scholar
3 See for example, Jorge, Sepúlveda Ortiz, ‘Influencia del poder naval en la guerra civil de 1891’, Revista de Marina (Valparaíso), henceforth RM, LXXXIII (1967), 585–616;Google Scholar and William, Laird Clowes, Four Modern Naval Campaigns (London and New York, 1902), pp. 133–85, ‘The Chilian Revolutionary War’.Google Scholar
4 My forthcoming University of London dissertation, ‘Chilean naval development, 1884–1932, with special reference to British influence’, chs III-IV, illustrates this.
5 Nunn, , Military, p. III;Google ScholarRodríguez, J. A., ‘Hidalguía del Almirante Montt’, RM, LXXV (1959), 319–20;Google ScholarDomingo, Amunátegui S., La Democracia en Chile — Teatro Político (Santiago, 1946), p. 293.Google Scholar
6 See Rojas, F. E. M., Administración Naval de Chile comparada (Santiago, 1934), ch. 3 pp. 33–58.Google Scholar
7 Anales de la República, comp. Luis, Valencia A., (2 vols., Santiago, 1951), I, 350–400. Army officers held the post on 16 occasions during the 92 full cabinet changes.Google Scholar
8 Capt. Quicke, A. H., R. N., ‘Some impressions concerning Chile and the War’, to Director of Naval Intelligence (henceforth DNI), Santiago 9 01 1918, copy in Public Record Office, London (Foreign Office), FO 371/3170.Google Scholar
9 Luis, Correa Prieto, El Presidente Ibáñz (Santiago, 1962), p. 60.Google Scholar In 1913 the War Minister issued a circular ‘forbidding the practice of soliciting or obtaining the interest of influential persons on behalf of officers with a view to their obtaining special posts, transfers or favours’, reported Lt-Col. Grogan, E. Sir, British military attaché, ‘Summary for July 1913’, FO 371/1589; in 1916 a similar order prohibiting military oficers from joining secret lodges or fraternities provoked an uproar among Radical party congressmen; see Cámara de Diputados, Sesiones Ordinarias (henceforth CDSO), 1916, 20 07–1 09.Google Scholar
10 Columbano, Millas R., Los secretos que divulga un secretario privado de los Ministros de Guerra (Santiago, 1923), p. 42. Millas served between 1917 and 1922.Google Scholar
11 See note 4.
12 A significant admission made by Valparaíso Deputy Ramón Barros Luco during a naval procurement debate, CDSO, 1887, p. 474.Google Scholar
13 Director-General Admiral Nef's phrase, at Montt's funeral, quoted in RM, LXVII (1922), 1769. A full biography of Montt is lacking in Chilean historiography.Google Scholar
14 Luis, F. Dassori, ‘El Vice-Almirante Don Jorge Montt Alvarez’, RM, 67 (1951), 283.Google Scholar
15 Reported by Cdr, G. A.Garnons, Williams R.N., ‘Naval Mission to Chile 1926–1928’, 10 05 1928, Public Records Office, London (Admiralty) ADM 116/2459.Google Scholar
16 José, T. Merino [Saavedra], La Armada Nacional y la Dicladara Militar (Santiago, 1932), p. 5.Google Scholar
17 For example, in 1906, when procurement plans were discussed in Santiago without reference to Admiral Montt. See El Mercurio de Santiago (henceforth MS), 23, 24, 25, 26 11. 1906.Google Scholar
18 Rojas, op. cit., pp. 142–2; Memoria del Ministro de Marina, 1899, p. 31.Google Scholar
19 La Unión (Valparaíso), henceforth UV, 15 06 1916;Google Scholar Merino, op. cit., p. 5.
20 Kerr, A. C. (Acting Chargé d'Affaires) to SirEdward, Grey, no. 73, confidential, 2 10. 1913, FO 371/1589.Google Scholar
21 El Mercurio de Valparaíso (henceforth MV), 6 06 1916.Google Scholar
22 UV, 25 05, 9 06 1916.Google Scholar This title is a misnomer in Chilean naval administration despite traditional emulation of British practice. The Navy—Mercurio link may also have existed through Guillermo Pérez de Arce, Secretary to Admiral Montt in 1899 then editor of El Mercsirio de Valparaíso and El Mercurio de Santiago. See Carlos, Pinto Durán, Diccionario Personal de Cbile (Santiago, 1924).Google Scholar
23 René, Millar C., ‘Significado y antecedentes del movimiento militar de 1924’, Historia (Santiago) no. 11 (1972–1973), pp. 7–102 makes a thorough study of this.Google Scholar
24 Rojas, op. cit., p. 143.
25 Adolfo, Escobar Terán, ‘Bajo las Ordenanzas Navales 1896–1929 – Memorias’ (2 vols., unpublished typescript, Santiago, 1942) i, 220. I am greatly indebted to Captain Escobar's brother-in-law, historian Ricardo Donoso, for this source.Google Scholar
26 Ibid., i, 202–5.
27 For example, ‘Kalau’, ‘Breves consideraciones sobre un Estado Mayor de Marina’, RM, LIII (1912), 72–4.Google ScholarLa Unión was a conservative, church-owned newspaper.Google Scholar
28 RM, LVI (1914), 425.Google Scholar
29 Escobar, op. cit., I, 266.
30 Nunn, , Military, pp. 116–17;Google ScholarNunn, , Chilean Politics, p. II.Google Scholar
31 Carlos, Sáez Morales to Emilio, Rodríguez Mendoza, Paris 26 03. 1930,Google ScholarArchivo, Nacional de Chile, Archivo, Rodríguez Mendoza, VII, fos. 69–70. Sáez was replying to Rodríguez' remarks, since frequently quoted, in Como si fuera ahora (Santiago, 1929), pp. 221–48,Google Scholar concerning the Liga Militar.Google Scholar
32 Arturo, Cuevas, Servicios de la Armada Nacional (Valparaíso, 1918).Google Scholar
33 El Diana Ilustrado (Santiago) 14, I 5, 16, 17 03. 1918.Google Scholar
34 Cuevas, op. cit.; refutation covers pp. 35–199, and was published in part in MS, 26 Mar. to 3 Apr. 1918.
35 Escobar, op. cit., 1, 308.
36 MV, 18 04. 1918;Google Scholar see Capt, C. R. N.Burne, R.N. naval attaché, ‘Naval matters in Chile’, no. 6 to DNI, Valparaíso 29 07 1915,Google Scholar copy in FO 371/2297; cf., R.Valenzuela G., ‘El Dresden en los mares de Chile’, RM, LXXXV (1968), 845–51.Google Scholar
37 UV, 20 04. 1918; MS, 10, 11, 12 04. 1918;Google Scholarcf, . La Natión (Santiago) henceforth NS,11, 16 04. 1918.Google Scholar
38 Escobar, op. cit., 1, 308.
39 Cuevas, op. cit., p. 6.
40 Eulogio, Rojas Mery, Recuerdos de unjoven octogenario (Santiago, 1958), pp. 143–5.Google Scholar This lawyer defended Cuevas and other army co-conspirators. For the aims of the group see Bicheno, H. E., ‘Anti-parliamentary themes in Chilean history’, Government and Opposition (London) no. 7 (1972), p. 359.Google Scholar
41 These claims are scattered throughout RM, 1900–1924;Google Scholar see also UV, 13 06 1916;Google ScholarMV, 10, 11, 12 07 1916.Google Scholar The issues are explained in Roskill, S. W., British Naval Policy between the Wars, (2 vols., London, 1968, 1976), 1, 122–6.Google Scholar
42 Compare these in Silva, A. L. and Carmona, R. A., Lejislación Administrativa de la Armada (Valparaíso, 1907), pp. 477–8, 1021–42.Google Scholar
43 JAG, , ‘El presupuesto de marina y las economías’, RM, 67 (1922), 1473–80;Google ScholarAraya, F.D., , ‘Sobraningenieros en nuestra armada?’, RM, 67 (1922), pp. 1853–9.Google Scholar
44 Escobar, op. cit., 11, 96.
45 Von Schroeders, E., ‘Marina Vieja o Marina Nueva’, NS, 12 12. 1920.Google Scholar
46 This debate in Britain (see The Times, 12. 1920 to 21 06. 1921)Google Scholar was closely followed in RM, 1920–1921.Google Scholar
47 Santander, A., ‘Marina Vieja o Marina Nueva’, MS, 19, 20 04 1921;Google ScholarEscobar, A. T., ‘Escuela de Alta Mar o Jeune Ecole — Marina Vieja o Marina Nueva’, RM, 65 (1920), 1031–55Google Scholar and Escobar, op. cit., I, 396; Von Schroeders, E., ‘Marina Vieja o Marina Nueva’, RM, 66 (1921), 375–9.Google Scholar
48 Von Schroeders considered that he was punished for his part in this press campaign, being transferred to head the new Naval Air Station. See his El Deleado del Gobierna ante el Motín de la Escuadra (Santiago, 1933), pp. 176–7.Google Scholar
49 Many accounts of these events exist. Well-documented narratives are to be found in Nunn, , Chilean Politics, pp. 7–113Google Scholar and in Millar, op. cit., pp. 83–97. My quoted sources are based on the navy perspective, and I avoid repetition of Nunn's sources.
50 Merino, op. cit., p. 7, referring to Rear-Admiral Soffía, ‘one of the few navy chiefs to belong to a political party’. Also noteworthy is the role of Vice-Admiral Nef, ex-Director-General (24 May 1922 to 9 October. 1924) who after retiring from the service, represented the Navy in the Junta de Gobierno until its fall in 01 1925.Google Scholar Nef took part in the Uniōn Patriótica (ex-Nacional) contest for Presidential candidate in the Convention of 8 January, polling 39 out of 859 votes. Juan, P.Bennett, A., La Reyalución del 5 de Setiembre de 1924 (Santiago, n.d.), p. 325.Google Scholar
51 Escobar, op. cit., 11, 9.
52 C,.-in-C. Fleet Soffla, and C-in-C. Talcahuano Rear-Admiral Acevedo. See Merino, op. cit., pp. 7–8; Bennett, op. cit., pp. 82–3.
53 Escobar, op. cit., 11, 27; Bennett, op. cit., pp. 79–82. Ex-naval cadet Major Marmaduque Grove was delegated to Valparaíso, and Major Carlos Ibáñez to Talcahuano.
54 Commanders Carlos Jouanne, Julio Dittborn, Benjamín Barros Merino, Luis Escobar Molina; Jouanne become Navy Under-Secretary and was replaced on the Junta by Commander Agustin Prat.
55 MV, 14 09. 1924.Google Scholar
56 Decreto-Ley 163, 26 12 1924. Other items of military legislation included retirement and pension regulations, in addition to salary increases.Google Scholar
57 Interview with ex-Commander Agustín, Prat, Sucesos (Santiago) 1273, 17 02. 1927.Google Scholar
58 Raúl, Aldunate Phillips, La Revolución de los Tenientes (Santiago, 1970), p. 157, quoting the papers of Junta Militar leader Bartolomé Blanche.Google Scholar
59 Monreal, E., Historia completa documentada del período revolucionario, 1924–1925 (Santiago, 1929), p. 93.Google Scholar
60 Escobar, op. cit., 11, 96.
61 Merino, op. cit., p. 10.
62 MV, 25 01. 1925.Google Scholar
63 Quoted in Monreal, op. cit., pp. 201–9.
64 Arturo, Young Ward, ‘Recuerdos de un Almirante’ (typescript, Santiago, 1981), p. 30.Google Scholar
65 Agustín, Edwards, Recuerdos de mi persecución (Santiago, 1932), pp. 19–20;Google ScholarEmilio, Bello Codesido, Recuerdos políticos — La Junta de Gobierno de 1925 (Santiago, 1954), pp. 65–83 narrates the mediation and his subsequent role as President of the second Junta de Gobierno.Google Scholar
66 Merino, op. cit., pp. 19–20.
67 Reproduced in RM, LXXI (1925), 490–3.Google Scholar
68 Merino (captain of Latorre), op. cit., p. 263; Julio, Allard A., ‘Cuarenta y Cuatro Años en la Marina de Chile’ (unpublished typescript, Viña del 03, 1944), p. 263; I am indebted to Sra Tatiana Allard for this source.Google Scholar
69 Mario, Bernaschina G. and Eduardo, Pinto L., Los Constituyentes de 1927 (Santiago, 1945), pp. 229–30.Google Scholar
70 Merino (appointed naval investigator), op. cit., pp. 13–14; Young, op. cit., pp. 345; Monreal, , op. cit., p. 395;Google Scholar Escobar, op. cit., II, 243; El Sur (Concepción), 4 09 1925. The four officers, dubbed ‘Los Luises’, included ex-Junta Militar delegate Luis Escobar Molina.Google Scholar
71 Boletín Oficial de la Armada (Valparaíso), 17 09. 1925.Google Scholar Yet the major reform enacted (Ley Orgánica de la Armada, 17 10) was promulgated just two days after the closing date for submissions, indicating that the circular was aimed at defusing tensions more than gathering opinions.Google Scholar
72 South Pacific Mail (Valparaíso), 17 09 1925;Google ScholarMV, special commemorative edition; RM, LXX (1925), 803–4.Google Scholar
73 Rear-Admiral, A.Halsey, R.N. to D.N.I., H.M.S. Repulse at sea, 5 10 1925, copy in FO 371/10611; Sir Thomas Hohier to Foreign Secretary, no. 155 Santiago, 14 09. 1925,Google Scholaribid.
74 Merino, op. cit., p.15 the claim by junior officers was voiced later by Cdt Frödden to the British naval attaché, Capt, J. S.Salmond, R.N. to D.N, I., Santiago, 30 03. 1927, FO 371/11977.Google Scholar
75 Garnons Williams, op. cit., ADM 116/2459.
76 MV, 20 10. 1925.Google Scholar
77 Garnons, Williams, op. cit.Google Scholar
78 Ibid.
79 Merino, op. cit., p. 15, but see the same officer's favourable comments on the mission at a reception for the ofikers of H.M.S. Colombo, Valparaíso, 09 1926,Google Scholar in RM, LXXI (1926), 781.Google Scholar Author's interview with staff aide to the 1926–8 mission, Rear-Admiral, Julio Santibáñez, Viña del 03, 15 03. 1982.Google Scholar
80 ‘A British officer's views of the Chilean Navy — interview with Commander Jackson, W. L.RN' Chilean Review (London) no. 26 (1928), p. 47.Google Scholar
81 Vansittart, R., Under-Secretary of State, Foreign Office, to Hohler, London 14 04 1927, FO 371/11978.Google Scholar
82 Merino, op. cit., pp. 18–19.
83 Ibáñez's secretary wrote later of the ‘providential misplacement’ of these papers, indicating a ruse. René, Montero, Ibáñez, un hombre, un mandatario (Santiago, 1937), p. 54.Google Scholar The British naval attaché reported the incident in a similar light; see Capt., St Aubyn Wake R.N., report in Annual Report for Chile 1927, O. A. Scott to Foreign Office, FO 371/12752.Google Scholar
84 René, Montero, La Verdad sobre Ibáñez (Santiago, 1952), p. 54; O. A. Scott, op. cit.Google Scholar
85 Escobar, op. cit., II, 406–9; Von Schroeders, op. cit., p. 113. The Navy Minister selected (incidentally also the choice of Ibáñez himself) was Commander Carlos Frödden, who had been a member of the Naval Informative Committee of Valparaíso in 1924— see MV, 14 09. 1924. Further research may confirm that Frödden, like Ibáñez, was a freemason.Google Scholar
86 Hohler to Foreign Secretary, no. 50 Santiago 19 02. 1927, FO 371/11978 (my italics).
87 Von, Schroeders, op. cit., p. 184;Google Scholar Rojas, op. cit., pp. 196–210; Fuenzalida, op. cit., 1157–73; Col. R. E. M. Russell, British military attaché, report in Annual Report for Chile, 1927, op. cit. supra, stated that army—navy relations were much improved.
88 UV, 21 05 1927;Google Scholar Fuenzalida, op. cit., pp. 1157–8; Rojas, op. cit., pp. 192–5, remarks that the transfer of headquarters caused some institutional disturbance; also (pp. 199–200) that the Advisory Board of the General Inspectorate failed to function effectively.
89 Haring, C., ‘Chilean politics, 1920–1928’ Hispanic American Historical Review (henceforth HAHR) 11 (1931), 1–26, passim.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
90 Haring, C., ‘The Chilean Revolution of 1931’, HAHR 13 (1933), 197.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
91 Anales de la República, I, 409–23. Intendancies were mostly service appointees.Google Scholar
92 Nunn, , Chilean Politics, ch. 8 describes these.Google Scholar
93 Von Schroeders, op. cit., pp. 3–107 narrates in detail his mediation efforts, and analyses the background (pp. 109–167). An interesting foreign observer's account is ‘The Chilean naval mutiny’, Office of Naval Intelligence, Montbly Information Bulletin (Washington, D.C.) XIV (1931), 11–20.Google Scholar See also Carlos, Sáez Morales, Recuerdos de un Soldado, ( 3 vols, Santiago, 1933–1934), III, 37–44;Google Scholar Fuenzalida, op. cit., pp. 1173–81. For a mutineer's account see Manuel, Astica Fuentes, El Siglo (Santiago), 10 09. 1961Google Scholar or Ernesto, González B., ‘Desde la Toldilla del Latorre sublevado’, La Crónica (Santiago), 12 1931.Google Scholar
94 Manifesto text and other communiqués in Von Schroeders, op. cit., pp. 6–8, 101. Government replies and other communications in Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo Varios, vol. 945, passim.
95 MS, 3 09. 1931.Google ScholarSater, W. F., ‘The Abortive Kronstadt: the Chilean Naval Mutiny of 1931’, HAHR, 60 (1980), 239–68 gives a very full account of the developments, which this account does not attempt to match for reasons of space.Google Scholar
96 Gen. Pedro Vignola, telegram to War Minister, Antofagastaz 2 September. 1931, Fondo Varios 945. Culbertson to Secretary of State, telegram no. 105, Santiago 5 September. 1931, United States National Archives, Record Group 59, 825.00 Revolutions/18; same to same, no. 106, Santiago 6 September. 1931, 825.00 Revolutions/23; Dearing to Secretary of State, telegram no. 315, Lima, 6 09. 1931, 825.00 Revolutions/23.Google Scholar
97 MV, 25 09. 1931.Google Scholar
98 Senior naval officer to D.N.I., Santiago 11 September. 1931, copy in FO 371/15078.
99 Culbertson to Secretary of State no. 107, Santiago September. 1931, 825.00 Revolutions/25; same to same no. 109, Santiago 6 Septmber. 1931, 825.00 Revolutions/30.
100 MS, 09. 1931.Google ScholarManns, P., La Revolución de la Escuadra (Valparaíso, 1972), p. 139. In view of the belief expressed to this author that Manns' book contains fabrications, it is pertinent to note that this anthology of already published material, spiced with leftist invective appropriate to the date of its publication, contains extracts of Von Schroeders' unpublished personal memoirs (pp. 113–18, 137–9). Comparison with the admiral's published account leaves little doubt that these extracts are genuine.Google Scholar
101 Cerda, J. M., Relación histórica de la Revolución de la Armada de Chile (Concepción, 1934), p. 83Google Scholar narrates events in Talcahuano. See also Carlos, Charlín O., Del Avión Rojo a la República Socialista (Santiago, 1973), pp. 404–6.Google Scholar
102 The recapture of Talcahuano was achieved by over 5,000 forces, including a company of naval ofikers seeking to redeem their honour: see Sater, op. cit., pp. 251–2 and Allard, op. cit., pp. 470–2.
103 Ramón, Vergara Montero, Por Rutas Extraviadas (Santiago, 1932), pp. 43–53 narrates his part as commander of the air operations.Google Scholar
104 Sater, , op. cit., pp. 263–5, 267. This thesis is refuted by Barnard, A. in ‘El partido Comunista de Chile y las políticas del Tercer Período, 1931–1934’, Nueva Historia (London), no. 8 (1983), pp. 222–3.Google Scholar
105 Barnard, op. cit., p. 245; Paul, W. Drake, Socialism and Populism in Chile, 1932–1952 (Urbana, 1978), pp. 67–8, 158, 210.Google Scholar
106 Fuenzalida, op. cit., pp. 1174–5. See also Carlos, López Urrutia, Historia de la Marina de Chile (Santiago, 1969), pp. 378.Google Scholar
107 Merino, op. cit., passim. This view is shared by Agustín, Edwards, op. cit., p. 2.Google Scholar
108 Von Schrocders, op. cit., p. 115. Allard, op. cit., p. 461 notes remarks on the British authorities’ more subtle response. Charlin, op. cit., notes sardonically that the Coquimbo—Invergordon sequence made the English ‘the Chileans of Great Britain’, inverting Chile's ‘English of South America’ reputation. The impact of events in Chile on Invergordon is revealed in Alan, Ereira, The Invergordon Mutiny (London, 1981), pp. 43, 55, 115.Google Scholar
109 MV, 17 10. 1931Google Scholar announced commutation of crews' death sentences. Von Schroeders, op. cit., p. 139 laments the impunity and subsequent glorification of the mutineers by politicians.
110 MS, 3 10. 1931. Memoria del Ministro de Marina 1931, pp. 10–16.Google Scholar Officer complicity was examined in the light of petitions signed by them at Coquimbo and revealed at the crews' trials, reproduced in MS, 12 10. 1931. Officers' signatures were obtained, if not by duress, then by guile, according to Rear-Admiral Santibáñez in his interview with the author.Google Scholar
111 MS, 16 10 1931; MV, 15 10. 1931.Google Scholar
112 Rojas, op. cit., p. 252.
113 Declarations of Reyes, C.-in-C. Admiral in Boletín Informativo de la Milicia Republicana (Santiago), 1(1933), 15.Google Scholar
114 Capt., E. A.Altham, R. N., Brassey's Naval and Sh:pping Annual (1934), p. 48.Google Scholar
115 Guillermo, Toledo, ‘El Cuerpo de Infantería de Marina’, Anclas (Valparaíso), no. 38 (1968), pp. 67–73. Note the earlier reference to Liga Naval's claim for this.Google Scholar
116 SAN, , ‘Con la Aviación Naval en Quinteros’, RM, 67 (1922), 123–34;Google ScholarBeduneau, F. R., ‘La Marina necesita su aviación naval propia’, RM, 76 (1931), 623–7.Google Scholar A general account is Fuenzalida, R. B., ‘Monografla de la aviación naval’, RM, 89 (1972), 131–40.Google Scholar
117 See Julio, Pérez Canto, ‘La decadencia de la Marina de Guerra y las lecciones de la historia’, Estudios (Santiago), no. 61 (1937), pp. 44–50;Google Scholar also the views of retired General Francisco Javier, Díaz, A propósito de nuestra política naval (Santiago, 1938), likening Chile's naval needs to those of Scandinavian countries, and opposing the ‘blue-water navy’ school of thought.Google Scholar
118 Von Schroeders, op. cit., pp. 141–2.