Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 April 2010
How do global rights regimes promote compliance? Can they form the basis for effective advocacy campaigns at the domestic level? In this paper, we address these questions via a case study of the role played by the Convention on the Rights of the Child in Argentinian politics. We argue that ratification of the convention strengthened the coherence and leverage of rights-based domestic activists and ultimately led to the introduction of a new rights-inspired legal code for children. We trace the emergence of a local compliance coalition for children's rights and the subsequent campaign for rights-based reform. Our analysis suggests that global rights conventions can alter the domestic political opportunity for advocacy, strengthen rights-based claims and bring about changes on the ground.
¿Cómo pueden los regimenes globales de derechos humanos promover su cumplimiento? ¿Pueden éstos crear las condiciones para montar campañas efectivas de garantía de derechos a nivel doméstico? Nosotros respondemos a estas cuestiones a través de un caso de estudio sobre el papel jugado por la Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño en la política argentina. Señalamos que la ratificación de dicha Convención fortaleció la coherencia e impulso de los activistas locales de derechos humanos y llevó al final a la introducción de un nuevo código legal para niños basado en tales garantías. Rastreamos el surgimiento de una coalición local trabajando a favor de los derechos de los niños y la subsiguiente campaña de reforma legal basada en tales derechos. Nuestro análisis sugiere que las convenciones globales sobre derechos humanos pueden incidir sobre las oportunidades políticas locales para la defensa de garantías individuales, fortalecer reclamos sobre derechos e introducir cambios en el terreno.
De que maneira os regimes de direitos universais promovem a cooperação? Terão eles a capacidade de criar uma base para campanhas de direitos dentro de um pais? Analisamos estas questões através de um estudo de caso que aborda o papel desempenhado pela Convenção sobre os Direitos da Criança na política argentina. Argumentamos que a ratificação da Convenção fortaleceu a coerência e o espaço de manobra de ativistas por direitos humanos nacionais, resultando enfim na introdução de um novo código inspirado em direitos para crianças. Traçamos a emergência de uma coalizão de cooperação local pelos direitos da criança e a campanha subsequente por reformas baseadas nestes direitos. Sugerimos que convenções globais de direitos possam incrementar oportunidades políticas domésticas pela defesa de direitos, fortalecer reivindicações baseadas em direitos e fomentar mudança na base.
1 See Alison Brysk, Human Rights and Private Wrongs: Constructing Global Civil Society (New York, 2002); Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational Activism (Cambridge, 2005); Alison Brysk (ed.), Globalisation and Human Rights (Berkeley, 2005), Mary Kaldor, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War (Cambridge, 2005); and Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders (Ithaca, 1998).
2 Joe Bandy and Jackie Smith (eds.), Coalitions Across Borders: Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order (Oxford, 2005); Ken Conca, Governing Water: Contention, Transnational Politics and Global Institution Building (London, 2005); Hochstetler, Kathryn, ‘Fading Green: Environmental Politics in the MERCOSUR Free Trade Agreement’, Latin American Politics and Society, vol. 45, no. 4 (2003), pp. 1–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Deborah Yashar, ‘Globalisation and Collective Action: A Review Essay’, Comparative Politics, vol. 34 (2002), pp. 355–75.
3 Kathryn Sikkink, ‘Patterns of Dynamic Multilevel Governance and the Insider-Outsider Coalition’, in Donatella Della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism (Oxford, 2005), pp. 151–73. See also Shareen Hertel, Unexpected Power: Conflict and Change among Transnational Activists (Ithaca, 2006).
4 Beth Simmons, Mobilizing for Human Rights: International Law in Domestic Politics (Cambridge, 2009). See also Andrew Cortell and James Davis, ‘Understanding the Domestic Impact of International Norms: A Research Agenda’, International Studies Review, vol. 2, no. 1 (2000), pp. 65–87; and Gurowitz, Amy, ‘Mobilizing International Norms: Domestic Actors, Immigrants, and the Japanese State’, World Politics, vol. 51, no. 3 (1999), pp. 413–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
5 Simmons, Mobilizing for Human Rights.
6 Ibid.
7 On Argentina's history of innovative rights politics and the creation of new mechanisms of transitional justice, see Sikkink, Kathryn, ‘From Pariah State to Global Protagonist: Argentina and the Struggle for International Human Rights’, Latin American Politics and Society, vol. 50, no. 1 (2008), pp. 1–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
8 Cortell and Davis, ‘Understanding the Domestic Impact of International Norms’.
9 The Argentinian human rights movement was active on issues related to the fate of the children of the disappeared. The Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo engaged in an active search for the children of their loved ones who had been secretly given away in adoption by the military, while the grown children of the disappeared established their own association (Hijos por la Identidad y la Justicia contra el Olvido y el Silencio, HIJOS). The focus of those actors was largely on issues related to the legacy of state terrorism, however. It was not framed within a broader agenda of children's rights.
10 The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo was the most visible and vocal actor within the Argentinian network of human rights organisations and played the most significant role in exposing human rights violations. The fact that the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo were ordinary citizens, concerned mothers who were desperately searching for their children, gave their claims a special force. The presence of extensive primary and secondary groups, such as family and friends of human rights victims, who were able and willing to mobilise against human rights abuses was also a central characteristic of successful human rights initiatives under democratic rule. The human rights cases with most impact on public opinion have been those led by ordinary people who have been personally affected by state violence and who were able to express their grief and their demands in everyday language. These types of movements succeeded where other initiatives that relied solely on the activities of professional activists failed. See Enrique Peruzzotti, ‘The Different Meanings of Participation and Their Contribution to Civil Society Politics’, Development and Change (forthcoming).
11 Jean Grugel and Nicola Piper, Critical Perspectives on Global Governance: Rights and Regulation in Governing Regimes (London, 2007).
12 Guzzini, Stefano, ‘A Reconstruction of Constructivism in International Relations’, European Journal of International Relations, vol. 6, no. 2 (2000), pp. 142–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Emanuel Adler, ‘Constructivism and International Relations’, in Walter Carlsnaes, Beth Simmons and Thomas Risse (eds.), Handbook of International Relations (London, 2002), pp. 95–118; Cortell and Davis, ‘Understanding the Domestic Impact of International Norms’; Checkel, Jeffrey T., ‘Why Comply? Social Learning and European Identity Change’, International Organisation, vol. 55, no. 3 (2001), pp. 553–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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14 Hans Peter Schmitz and Kathryn Sikkink, ‘International Human Rights’, in Thomas Risse and Beth Simmons (eds.), Handbook of International Relations (London, 2002), p. 521.
15 See Friedrich Kratochwil, Rules, Norms, and Decisions: On the Conditions of Practical Legal Reasoning in International Relations and Legal Affairs (Cambridge, 1989); and Martha Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca, 1996).
16 Cortell and Davis, ‘Understanding the Domestic Impact of International Norms’.
17 Marcussen, Martin, Thomas, Risse, Daniela, Engelmann-Martin, Hans-Joachim, Knopf and Klaus, Roscher, ‘Constructing Europe? The Evolution of French, British and German Nation-State Identities’, Journal of European Public Policy, vol. 6, no. 4 (1999), pp. 614–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Finnemore and Sikkink, ‘International Norm Dynamics and Political Change’.
18 Legro, Jeffrey W., ‘Which Norms Matter? Revisiting the Failure of Internationalism’, International Organisation, vol. 55, no. 1 (1997), pp. 31–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
19 Cortell and Davis, ‘Understanding the Domestic Impact of International Norms’, p. 67.
20 Ibid., p. 69.
21 Ibid.
22 Keck and Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders.
23 Sikkink, ‘Patterns of Dynamic Multilevel Governance’, p. 165.
24 Ibid., pp. 156–7.
25 Ibid.
26 Sikkink, ‘From Pariah State to Global Protagonist’, p. 23.
27 Lutz, Ellen and Kathryn, Sikkink, ‘International Human Rights Law and Practice in Latin America’, International Organisation, vol. 54, no. 3 (2000), p. 655CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
28 Ibid.
29 Thomas Risse and Kathryn Sikkink, ‘The Socialization of International Human Rights Norms into Domestic Practices: Introduction’, in Thomas Risse, Stephen C. Ropp and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), The Power of Human Rights: International Norms and Domestic Change (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 21–2.
30 Ibid., pp. 29, 33.
31 Interview with the authors, Buenos Aires, Dec. 2005.
32 Sidney Tarrow, Transnational Politics: Contention and Institutions in International Politics (undated), p. 14.
33 The term ‘justiciability’ refers to the issue of whether or not courts have legal authority on a given question.
34 Michael Barnett and Martha Finnemore, Rules for the World: International Organisations in Global Politics (Ithaca, 1994).
35 Andrew Gamble, ‘Economic Governance’, in Jon Pierre (ed.), Debating Governance (Oxford, 2000), pp. 110–37.
36 Luis Alberto Romero, A History of Argentina (Philadelphia, 2002); David Rock, State Building and Political Movements in Argentina, 1860–1916 (Stanford, 2002).
37 The law was the first of its type in Latin America and came only 20 years after the creation of the first courts for minors in Illinois. See Mary Beloff, ‘Constitución y derechos del niño’, in David Baigún et al., Estudios sobre justicia penal. Homenaje al Profesor Julio B. J. Maier (Buenos Aires, 2005), pp. 765–94.
38 On child saving in Argentina, see, Donna Guy, ‘The State, the Family and Marginal Children in Latin America’, in Tobias Hecht (ed.), Minor Omissions: Children in Latin American History and Society (Madison, 2002), pp. 139–64.
39 See Juan Suriano, ‘Niños trabajadores. Una aproximación al trabajo infantil en la industria porteña de comienzos de siglo’, in Diego Armus (ed.), Mundo urbano y cultura popular. Estudios de historia social argentina (Buenos Aires, 1990), pp. 251–79; and Eduardo Ciafardo, Los niños en la ciudad de Buenos Aires (1890/1910) (Buenos Aires, 1992).
40 Julio Cesar Ríos and Ana María Talak, ‘La niñez en los espacios urbanos (1890–1920)’, in Fernando Devoto and Marta Madero (eds.), Historia de la vida privada en la Argentina. La Argentina plural 1870–1930 (Buenos Aires, 1999), p. 148.
41 Quoted in Beloff, ‘Constitución y derechos del niño’, p. 771.
42 Ríos and Talak, ‘La niñez en los espacios urbanos’, p. 139.
43 Susana Torrado, Historia de la familia en la Argentina moderna (1870–2000) (Buenos Aires, 2003), p. 604.
44 Tobias Hecht, At Home in the Street: Street Children of Northeast Brazil (Cambridge, 1998).
45 Judith Ennew, ‘Why the Convention is not about Street Children’, in Deirdre Fottrell (ed.), Revisiting Children's Rights: 10 Years of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (The Hague, 2000), pp. 169–82.
46 James R. Scobie, Buenos Aires: Plaza to Suburb, 1870–1910 (Oxford, 1974).
47 Guy, ‘The State, the Family and Marginal Children’.
48 Interview with the authors, Dec. 2005.
49 Observatorio de la Infancia y la Adolescencia, Informe de situación del conurbano bonaerense. Documento 4 Julio (Buenos Aires, 2005).
50 Interview with the authors, Dec. 2005.
51 Interview with the authors, Dec. 2005.
52 Sesiones de Congreso de la Nación, 2005, p. 44.
53 Antonius C. G. M. Robben, Political Violence and Trauma in Argentina (Philadelphia, 2005).
54 Interview with Horacio Barberis, Dec. 2005.
55 Peruzzotti, Enrique, ‘Toward a New Politics: Citizenship and Rights in Contemporary Argentina’, Citizenship Studies, vol. 6, no. 1 (2002), pp. 77–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
56 Interview with Facundo Hernández, of the Colectivo de Derechos de Infancia y Adolescencia, Dec. 2005.
57 Simmons, Mobilizing for Human Rights.
58 Jean Grugel and Enrique Peruzzotti, ‘Claiming Rights under Global Governance: Children's Rights in Argentina’, Global Governance, vol. 13, no. 2 (2007), pp. 77–93.
59 Interview with Facundo Hernández, Dec. 2005.
60 Interview with the authors, Dec. 2005.
61 Interview with Nora Pulido of the Asociación para los Derechos de la Infancia, Dec. 2005.
62 Sikkink, ‘Patterns of Dynamic Multilevel Governance’.
63 Interview with Silvia Stucklick, President of CSACIDN, Nov. 2005.
64 Interview with Silvia Stucklick, Nov. 2005.
65 Interview with Irene Konterllnik, Dec. 2005.
66 Interview with Nora Pulido, Dec. 2005.
67 Interview with the authors, Nov. 2005.
68 By 2005, not only was Argentina lagging behind its neighbours, but central government legislation was also antiquated compared to the provinces. The provinces of Buenos Aires, Chubut, Mendoza, Neuquén and Salta as well as the autonomous city of Buenos Aires had already introduced local legislation that brought children's services in line with the CRC.
69 Interview with anonymous children's rights activist, Dec. 2005.
70 Quoted in Pablo Antonini, ‘Chicos sin ley’, La Pulseada, 28 March 2005. Available at www.lapulseada.com.ar/28/minoridad.htm.
71 There are innumerable allegations of corruption within the Consejo Escolar Provincial, which has an annual budget of approximately US$ 200 million. See Perfil.com, ‘La caja negra de la política bonaerense accede a $600 millones anuales destinados a las escuelas’, 6 May 2007, at www.diarioperfil.com.ar/edimp/0175/articulo.php?art=1005&ed=0175. On the importance of clientelism generally, see Auyero, Javier, ‘The Logic of Clientelism: An Ethnographic Approach’, Latin American Research Review, vol. 35, no. 3 (2000), pp. 55–81Google Scholar.
72 Ernesto Blanck, ‘¿Y el Consejo Federal de Niñez, Adolescencia y Familia? ¿Cuanto más va haber que esperar para su conformación?’ (Buenos Aires, 2007), available at www.surargentina.org.ar/actfeb07.htm. The old children's department is, in fact, still in existence, thanks to a presidential decree, and forms part of the well-established clientelist service network.
73 Maclure, Richard and Melvin, Sotelo, ‘Children's Rights and the Tenuousness of Local Coalitions: A Case Study in Nicaragua’, Journal of Latin American Studies, vol. 36, no. 1 (2004), pp. 85–108CrossRefGoogle Scholar; José Luis Rocha, ‘Mapping the Labyrinth from Within: The Political Economy of Nicaragua Youth Policy Concerning Violence’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, vol. 26, no. 4 (2007), pp. 533–49.
74 Speech delivered by Juan Carlos Blumberg at a rally on 23 April 2004. Quoted in Periodismo Social, ‘Los derechos del niño, la otra deuda interna’, Nov. 2004, available at www.periodismosocial.org.ar/area_infancia_informes.cfm.
75 Periodismo Social, ‘Los derechos del niño’.
76 Ibid.
77 Mariela Macri et al., El trabajo infantil no es un juego. Estudios e investigaciones sobre trabajo infanto-adolescente en Argentina, 1900–2003 (Buenos Aires, 2005).
78 Ibid.
79 Sidney Tarrow, ‘States and Opportunities: The Political Structuring of Social Movements’, in Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald (eds.), Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 41–61.
80 Interview with Mariano Martínez Ibarreta, Dec. 2005.
81 Tarrow, ‘States and Opportunities’, p. 42.
82 Sikkink, ‘Patterns of Dynamic Multilevel Governance’, p. 171.