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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 August 2020
In 1905, world-renowned bullfighter Luis Mazzantini arrived in Guatemala City for a number of corridas. Despite the excitement of the urban elite, the matador's fights were poorly attended by the working class due to high ticket prices. This article uses the ‘Mazzantini Season’ as a case study of working-class consumer culture in Guatemala City to trace shifts in Guatemalan political economy through the 1890s and early 1900s, analysing the constraints on popular consumerism such as price inflation, currency deflation, food shortages and other factors affecting working-class urban Guatemalans. It also demonstrates the manner in which responses by the state and coffee planters to economic crises to protect elite interests fundamentally undermined the ability of working-class residents of Guatemala City to participate in consumer culture.
En 1905, el mundialmente conocido torero Luis Mazzantini llegó a la Ciudad de Guatemala para presentar varios espectáculos taurinos. Pese al entusiasmo de la élite urbana, las corridas del matador fueron pobremente atendidas por la clase trabajadora debido a los altos precios de los boletos. Este artículo utiliza la ‘Temporada Mazzantini’ como un caso de estudio sobre el consumo de la clase obrera en la Ciudad de Guatemala para rastrear los movimientos de la economía política del país durante los 1890 y principios de 1900, analizando los factores que limitaban el consumo popular, como la inflación de precios, la devaluación de la moneda, la escasez de alimentos y otros que afectaron a los trabajadores urbanos guatemaltecos. También demuestra la manera en la que las respuestas del Estado y de los cafetaleros a las crisis económicas destinadas a proteger los intereses de las élites minaron radicalmente la posibilidad de los trabajadores capitalinos de participar en la cultura de consumo.
Em 1905, Luiz Mazzantini, um toureiro então mundialmente conhecido, chegou à Cidade da Guatemala para uma série de corridas. Apesar do entusiasmo da elite urbana, pouquíssimas pessoas da classe trabalhadora foram às touradas do matador devido ao alto preço do ingresso. Este artigo utiliza-se da ‘Temporada de Mazzantini’ como um estudo de caso da cultura do consumo da classe trabalhadora na Cidade da Guatemala, que permite identificar mudanças na economia política ao longo da década de 1890 e começo dos 1900. Além disso, analisa os fatores que limitavam o consumo da classe trabalhadora da Guatemala, tais quais inflação, deflação de moeda e escassez de alimentos entre outros. Também demonstra a maneira com a qual algumas soluções propostas pelo Estado e pelos produtores de café para lidar com a crise econômica – visando proteger os interesses de sua elite – enfraqueceu fundamentalmente a habilidade da classe trabalhadora da capital de participar na cultura de consumo.
1 ‘Mazzantini viene’, 1904, Fondo Antiguo, Biblioteca Nacional de Guatemala, Guatemala City, Colección Valenzuela, Hojas Sueltas (BNGCV-HS), Paquete (Paq.), 1994.
2 Héctor Gaitán suggests these rumours were spreading as early as 1902; see Memorias del siglo XX, vol. 1 (Guatemala City: Artemis Edinter, 1999), p. 20. For histories of Guatemala City and urbanisation, see Gellert, Gisela and Soria, Julio César Pinto, Ciudad de Guatemala: Dos estudios sobre su evolución urbana (1524–1950) (Guatemala City: Centro de Estudios Urbanos y Regionales, 1990)Google Scholar; Gellert, Gisela, Ciudad de Guatemala: Factores determinantes en su desarrollo urbano (desde la fundación hasta la actualidad) (Guatemala City: FLACSO, 1995)Google Scholar; de Quezada, Ana María Urruela Villacorta (ed.), La Nueva Guatemala de la Asunción: 230 años de historia (Guatemala City: Grupo Financiero de Occidente, 2006)Google Scholar; Almengor, Óscar Peláez, El pequeño Paris (Guatemala City: Centro de Estudios Urbanos y Regionales, 2008)Google Scholar; Way, J. T., The Mayan in the Mall: Globalization, Development, and the Making of Modern Guatemala (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2012)Google Scholar.
3 ‘Toros’, La República, 3 Jan. 1905, p. 1 (all primary newspaper sources are available at the Hemeroteca Nacional de Guatemala unless indicated otherwise).
4 ‘Urban elite’ refers to members of the planter, merchant and land-owning classes and of the ‘industrial oligarchy’ who participated in the bourgeois culture common to the North Atlantic world. In this article, ‘working class’ is a descriptive rather than an analytical category. It refers to the collection of people defined primarily by their place in the production process or by the fact that they laboured for wages or were artisans. It is not contingent on the level of their class consciousness in the Thompsonian sense. As such, working class here describes tailors, masons, day-labourers, domestic servants, laundresses, low-level civil servants and others employed in similar work. See Thompson, E. P., The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Vintage Books, 1963)Google Scholar and Dosal, Paul J., Power in Transition: The Rise of Guatemala's Industrial Oligarchy, 1871–1994 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1995)Google Scholar.
5 See Kirkpatrick, Michael D., ‘Phantoms of Modernity: The 1894 Anarchist Furor in the Making of Modern Guatemala City’, Urban History, 44: 2 (2017), pp. 231–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 Diario de Centro-América, 2 Oct. 1896, p. 1.
7 An extensive literature exists on racial differentiation in Guatemala, demonstrating the permeability of race. ‘Ladino’ here refers to those who were culturally non-indigenous but lacked the claims of ‘blood purity’ made by criollos of Spanish descent. See Hale, Charles R., ‘Más que un indio’: Racial Ambivalence and Neoliberal Multiculturalism in Guatemala (Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 2006), pp. 16–20Google Scholar; Little-Siebold, Todd, ‘“Where Have All the Spaniards Gone?” Independent Identities: Ethnicities, Class and the Emergent National State’, The Journal of Latin American Anthropology, 6: 2 (2001), pp. 106–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Grandin, Greg, The Blood of Guatemala: A History of Race and Nation (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Arzú, Marta Elena Casaús, Guatemala: Linaje y racismo, 5th edn (Guatemala City: F&G Editores, 2018)Google Scholar.
8 The dynamics of consumption were highly racialised. In rural Guatemala, promoting wage labour and consumerism were implicit motivations for the abolition of forced labour – the mandamientos which obliged Maya men to labour on coffee estates – in 1894. That same year, President José María Reyna Barrios opened the Indigenous Agricultural Institute in Guatemala City. The directors of the Institute sought the ‘civilisation’ of the Maya, encouraging indigenous communities to take up modern agricultural practices, produce for export markets and become consumers. Such sentiments were echoed by Liberal thinkers like Antonio Batres Jáuregui, who advocated the creation of consumer desires among the Maya. See ‘Reglamento interior del Instituto Agrícola de Indígenas’, Recopilación de la leyes de la República de Guatemala, 1893–94, vol. 22 (Guatemala City: Tipografía Nacional, 1895), pp. 554–72 (available at the Biblioteca Central at the University of San Carlos [USAC]); Hernández, Bienvenido Argueta, El nacimiento del racismo en el discurso pedagógico, vol. 1: El Instituto Agrícola de Indígenas (Guatemala City: PACE-GIZ, 2011)Google Scholar; Antonio Batres Jáuregui, Los indios: su historia y su civilización (Guatemala City: Tipografía La Unión, 1894; facsimile at http://bibliotecadigital.aecid.es/bibliodig/es/consulta/registro.cmd?id=687 [last accessed 20 June 2020]), p. 188.
9 Watanabe, John M., ‘Culturing Identities, the State, and National Consciousness in Late Nineteenth-Century Western Guatemala’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, 19: 3 (2000), pp. 321–40Google Scholar; Todd Little-Siebold, ‘Guatemala and the Dream of a Nation: National Policy and Regional Practice in the Liberal Era, 1871–1945’, unpubl. PhD diss., Tulane University, 1995, pp. 106–33; Carey, David, I Ask for Justice: Maya Women, Dictators, and Crime in Guatemala, 1898–1944 (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2013)Google Scholar; Carey, David (ed.), Distilling the Influence of Alcohol: Aguardiente in Guatemalan History (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reeves, René, Ladinos with Ladinos, Indians with Indians: Land, Labor, and Regional Ethnic Conflict in the Making of Guatemala (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.
10 Vrana, Heather, This City Belongs to You: A History of Student Activism in Guatemala, 1944–1996 (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2017), p. 16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
11 For more on the Export Age, see Beckman, Ericka, Capital Fictions: The Literature of Latin America's Export Age (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bulmer-Thomas, Victor, The Economic History of Latin America since Independence, 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12 Orlove, Benjamin (ed.), The Allure of the Foreign: Imported Goods in Postcolonial Latin America (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bauer, Arnold J., Goods, Power, History: Latin America's Material Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001)Google Scholar.
13 Root, Regina A., Couture and Consensus: Fashion and Politics in Postcolonial Argentina (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Grandin, Blood of Guatemala.
14 Beezley, William H., Judas at the Jockey Club and Other Episodes of Porfirian Mexico, 2nd edn (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Bunker, Steven B., Creating Mexican Consumer Culture in the Age of Porfirio Díaz (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 2012)Google Scholar; Garza, James Alex, The Imagined Underworld: Sex, Crime, and Vice in Porfirian Mexico City (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Buffington, Robert M., A Sentimental Education for the Working Man: The Mexico City Penny Press, 1900–1910 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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16 There have been exceptions, such as Blum, Ann S., Domestic Economies: Family, Work, and Welfare in Mexico City, 1884–1943 (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2010)Google Scholar, in which the author details the economic fluctuations affecting orphanages during the 1890s. Similarly, Natalia Milanesio's analysis of consumption of Argentine workers during the late 1940s and early 1950s follows the downturn in the Peronist economy: Workers Go Shopping in Argentina: The Rise of Popular Consumer Culture (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 2013); see also Semán's, Ernesto Ambassadors of the Working Class: Argentina's International Labor Activists and Cold War Democracy in the Americas (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017)Google Scholar.
17 For Guatemalan coffee production see Wagner, Regina, The History of Coffee in Guatemala (Bogota: Villegas Editores, 2001)Google Scholar; Cambranes, J. C., Coffee and Peasants: The Origins of the Modern Plantation Economy in Guatemala, 1853–1897 (Stockholm: Institute of Latin American Studies, 1985)Google Scholar; McCreery, David, Rural Guatemala: 1760–1940 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.
18 For the importation of US goods, see Schoonover, Thomas D., The United States in Central America, 1860–1911: Episodes of Social Imperialism and Imperial Rivalry in the World System (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Colby, Jason M., The Business of Empire: United Fruit, Race, and U.S. Expansion in Central America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011)Google Scholar.
19 Sánchez, Manuel Rubio, ‘Historia del comercio del café en Guatemala, siglos XVIII y XIX, quinta parte’, Anales de la Sociedad de Geografía e Historia de Guatemala, 55 (1981), pp. 233–5Google Scholar.
20 Dosal, Paul J., Doing Business with the Dictators: A Political History of United Fruit in Guatemala, 1899–1944 (Lanham, MD: SR Books, 1993)Google Scholar; Ross, Delmer G., ‘The Construction of the Interoceanic Railroad of Guatemala’, The Americas, 33: 3 (1977), pp. 430–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
21 Gosling to the Earl of Rosebery, 12 Jan. 1894, British National Archives, London, Foreign Office (BNA–FO) 15/282.
22 Ana María Urruela de Quezada, ‘Siglo XIX: Luces y sombras en el surgimiento de la ciudad’, in La Nueva Guatemala, p. 99 and Dirección General de Estadística, Censo General de la República de Guatemala (Guatemala City: Tipografía Nacional, 1894), p. 12 (available at the Biblioteca Central at USAC).
23 Gosling to Marquess of Salisbury, 13 Jan. 1897, BNA–FO 15/313. At that time St Petersburg was considered to be the most expensive city in Europe.
24 Censo General, 1894.
25 Larrave, Mario López, Breve historia del movimiento sindical guatemalteco (Guatemala City: Editorial Universitaria, 1979), p. 9Google Scholar; Secretaría de Gobernación y Justicia, ‘Estatutos de la Sociedad de Artesanos “El Porvenir de los Obreros”’ (Guatemala City: Tipografía Nacional, 1897); facsimile at https://archive.org/details/estatutosdelasocie00guat/mode/2up (last accessed 30 June 2020).
26 For strategies developed in Mexico City, see Buffington, A Sentimental Education and Blum, Domestic Economies.
27 Foreign Office, Guatemala: Report for the Years 1894–95 on the Trade, Finances, &c., of Guatemala (London: Harrison and Sons, 1896), pp. 6–7Google Scholar.
28 Ibid., p. 7.
29 McNally, James C., ‘Markets of Guatemala’, Reports from the Consuls of the United States, Aug. 1900 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1900), p. 448Google Scholar.
30 For more on trademarks and piracy in contemporary Guatemala, see Thomas, Kedron, Regulating Style: Intellectual Property Law and the Business of Fashion in Guatemala (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
31 Samuel Kimberly, ‘Trade and Commerce of Guatemala’, Reports from the Consuls of the United States, July 1891 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1891), p. 354.
32 Archivo General de Centro América, Guatemala City (AGCA), Juicios Criminales (JC), Índice 45, 1905, Juzgado 6a de la 1a Instancia, 9A, Exp. 18.
33 AGCA, Sig. B, Gobernación (1904), Legajo 29081, Exp. 9.
34 Henry C. Stuart, ‘Guatemala’, Reports from the Consuls of the United States, Jan. 1894 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1894), p. 32.
35 Francois, Marie Eileen, A Culture of Everyday Credit: Housekeeping, Pawnbroking, and Governance in Mexico City, 1750–1920 (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2006)Google Scholar.
36 See, for example, Manuel Ortega's request to license the Casa de Préstamos del Calvario in May 1904: AGCA, Sig. B, Jefatura Política de Guatemala (JP-G) (1904), Paq. 1.
37 Ibid.
38 See Ortiz's ‘Libro de actas de remate’, Dec. 1903, ibid.
39 See Ortega's ‘Libro de actas de remate’, Nov. 1904, ibid., Paq. 2.
40 ‘Notas Varias, octubre de 1904’, AGCA, Sig. B, JP-G (1904), Paq. 2 and Sig. B, Gobernación (1905), Leg. 29089, Exp. 2.
41 AGCA, JC, Índice 45, 1905, Juzgado 6a de la 1a Instancia, 9A, Exp. 33.
42 David Carey, ‘Distilling Perceptions of Crime: Maya Moonshiners and the State, 1898–1944’, in Carey, Distilling the Influence, pp. 121–2.
43 AGCA, Sig. B, Gobernación (1904), Leg. 29067, Exp. 220.
44 These police reports come from ibid. and Leg. 29069, Exp. 172.
45 Frank D. Hill, ‘The World's Production and Consumption of Coffee’, Advance Sheets of Consular Reports, 29 June 1898, p. 2 (available at the University Libraries at the University of Nevada, Reno).
46 For example, mozos from Mixco were sent to work at the hippodrome in October 1904 on government orders. See ‘Varias notas de octubre de 1904’, AGCA, Sig. B, JP-G (1904), Paq. 2.
47 McNally to Department of State, 28 Sept. 1900, United States National Archives, College Park, PA (USNA), Despatches from United States Consuls in Guatemala, 1824–1906, T-337/13. See, for example, the contract of the Guatemala and Mexico Mahogany and Export Company, Memoria que la Secretaría de Estado en el despacho de Fomento presenta á la Asamblea Nacional Legislativa de 1899 (Guatemala City: Tipografía Nacional, 1899), pp. 239–41 (all government Memorias are available at the Biblioteca del AGCA).
48 A replica of Estrada Cabrera's handwritten Decree 604 for the Festival to Minerva was circulated at subsequent Minervalias: 1904, BNGCV-HS, No. 1994.
49 For more on efforts by the various Liberal Party dictatorships to honour students, see Levenson, Deborah T., Adiós Niño: The Gangs of Guatemala City and the Politics of Death (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013), pp. 13–14Google Scholar.
50 McNally to Department of State, 23 June 1901, USNA, T-337/13. This report is archived under the cover letter dated 15 June 1901.
51 McNally to Hill, 31 Oct. 1902, T-337/14; Trayner to the Marquess of Lansdowne, 12 Nov. 1902, BNA–FO15/348.
52 Memoria de la Secretaría de Fomento presentada á la Asamblea Nacional Legislativa en 1904 (Guatemala City: Tipografía Nacional, 1904), p. 18; Thornton to Marquess of Lansdowne, 14 July 1903, BNA–FO15/354.
53 ‘Los abastos’, La Revista Municipal, 15 June 1899, p. 1.
54 Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Guatemala: Report for the Year 1899 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1905), p. 38Google Scholar.
55 Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Guatemala: Report for the Year 1904 on the Trade of Quezaltenango [sic] (London: Harrison and Sons, 1905), p. 4.
56 Memoria de fomento (Guatemala City: Tipografía La Unión, 1888), p. 37.
57 Letter to Jefe Político, 6 Feb. 1904, AGCA, Sig. B, JP-G (1904), Paq. 1.
58 ‘Asuntos locales’, El Cronista, 15 March 1904, pp. 1–2.
59 ‘La cuestión de abastos’, La República, 19 July 1904, p. 1.
60 See Schwartz advertisement, La Nación, 9 Oct. 1904, p. 7; ‘Granos de primera necesidad’, El Cronista, 2 Oct. 1904, p. 8.
61 AGCA, Sig. B, Gobernación (1904), Leg. 29080, Exp. 6.
62 Ibid., Exp. 13.
63 Ibid., Leg. 29067, Exp. 23.
64 See letters dated 4 Feb. and 11 May 1905, ibid., Gobernación (1905), Leg. 29091, Exp. 7.
65 See letters dated 3 Feb. and 24 April 1905, ibid. and Leg. 29095, Exp. 20, respectively.
66 Javier A. Padilla to Ministro de Gobernación, ibid., Leg. 29088.
67 Letter dated 12 Jan. 1905, ibid., Leg. 29094, Exp. 11.
68 Circular, June 1904, AGCA, Sig. B, JP-G (1904), Paq. 3.
69 ‘Banco de Guatemala, Ministerio de Fomento, Dirección de Aduanas’, AGCA, Sig. B, Gobernación (1905), Leg. 29090.
70 Sánchez, José J., ‘Informes y cuentas de la Dirección General de Aduanas’, Memoria presentada por el Secretario de Hacienda y Crédito Público á la Asamblea Nacional Legislativa de 1905 (Guatemala City: Tipografía Nacional, 1905), pp. 188–9Google Scholar.
71 Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Report 1904 on Trade of Quetzaltenango, p. 4.
72 AGCA, Sig. B, JP-G (1904), Paq. 3, Exp. 140. While it would be speculative to assume that the general public faced the same increase, such numbers indicate heightened costs of living in general.
73 Memoria de la Secretaría de Fomento presentada á la Asamblea Nacional Legislativa en 1905 (Guatemala City: Tipografía Nacional, 1905), p. 76.
74 Flamenco, José, La beneficencia en Guatemala: reseña histórica (Guatemala City: Tipografía Nacional, 1915), pp. 123–4Google Scholar, available at https://archive.org/details/labeneficiencia00flamguat (last accessed 1 July 2020).
75 See Beezley, Judas at the Jockey Club.
76 ‘Plaza de Toros, Años 1900–1909’, AGCA, Sig. B, Leg. 23578. See reports for years 1901, 1902, 1904 and 1906 in which names of those occupying balcony seats are recorded for select corridas.
77 Frank, Patrick, Posada's Broadsheets: Mexican Popular Imagery, 1890–1910 (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), pp. 135–7Google Scholar.
78 ‘Reprochable’, El Cronista, 17 Dec. 1905, p. 4. The crowds at the corrida were generally heterogeneous. Aficionados of all ages came from various class backgrounds, distinguished by the cost of seats. Although men dominated the stands, women often accompanied family members and spouses.
79 ‘Corte Suprema de Justicia y Juzgado de Paz, julio–noviembre de 1904’, 7 Nov. and 29 Nov. 1904, AGCA, Sig. B, JP-G (1904), Paq. 1.
80 Poor corridas in early 1904 were blamed on those leasing the plaza, Barnoya y Compañía: ‘De aquí y de allá’, El Cronista, 28 Feb. 1904, p. 3.
81 See ‘Desde el tendido’ in El Cronista, 24 Dec. 1904, p. 3 and 14 Jan. 1905, p. 5.
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90 ‘¡Qué toros!’, La República, 7 Jan. 1905, p. 3.
91 ‘La llegada de Mazzantini’, La República, 23 Jan. 1905, p. 2.
92 ‘Una visita a Mazzantini’, Diario de Centro-América, 4 Feb. 1905, p. 1.
93 ‘¡Novedades!’, La República, 14 Jan. 1905, p. 9.
94 ‘Luis Mazzantini’, La República, 2 Jan. 1905, p. 5.
95 ‘Toros’, El Cronista, 4 Feb. 1905, p. 2.
96 See various advertisements in BNGCV-HS, No. 1993–1996, Year 1903–1906.
97 ‘Acontecimiento taurino’, El Cronista, 24 Dec. 1904, p. 4; ‘Mazzantini en Guatemala’, Diario de Centro-América, 20 Dec. 1904, p. 4.
98 ‘Desde el tendido’, El Cronista, 31 Dec. 1904, p. 4.
99 ‘Rebaja’, El Cronista, 4 Feb. 1905, p. 6.
100 ‘Plaza de Toros’, La República, 14 Jan. 1905, p. 3; ‘Empresa Mazzantini’, La República, 31 Jan. 1905, p. 2.
101 V. Manuel Leal, ‘Ayer’, Diario de Centro-América, 6 Feb. 1905, p. 1.
102 ‘El señor Mazzantini’, La República, 14 Feb. 1905, p. 3; Emilio, ‘Toros’, El Cronista, 11 Feb. 1905, p. 2; ‘El beneficio de don Luis’, La República, 13 Feb. 1905, p. 2.
103 ‘Las corridas de toros’, Diario de Centro-América, 28 Jan. 1905, p. 1.
104 Beezley, Judas at the Jockey Club, pp. 5–6.