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Business, Nationality and Dependency in Late Nineteenth Century Brazil

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Eugene W. Ridings
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‘No one is unaware,’ stated Brazil's Minister of Finance Ruj Barbosa in 1891, ‘that commerce, especially large-scale commerce, in our most important trade centers resides in greatest part, not to say in its near entirety, in the hands of foreigners.’ Rui was calling attention to a situation of increasing concern to Brazilian leaders: the preponderance of foreigners in big business. Another Brazilian Minister of Finance, Felisbello Freire, remarked on the subject in 1894, ‘to my mind this phenomenon is an indication of a subjugation which, dating from colonial times, threatens the annulment of native commerce.’.

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Articles
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Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 14 , Issue 1 , May 1982 , pp. 55 - 96
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1982

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References

1 Brazil, , Ministério, da Fazenda, Relatódrio do Ministro da Fazenda Ruy Barbosa em Janeiro de 1891 (Rio de Janeiro, Imprensa Nacional, 1891), p. 337.Google Scholar

2 Brazil, , Ministério, da Fazenda, Relatório apresentado ao Vice-Presidente da República dos Estados Unidos do Brazil pelo Ministro de Estado dos Negócios da Fazenda, Feljsbello Firmo de Oliveira Freire no anno de 1894 (Rio de Janeiro, Imprensa Nacional, 1894), p. 74.Google Scholar

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5 Brazil's nineteenth-century business elite was overwhelmingly concentrated overseas commerce. The nation's economy was strongly oriented toward the export of tropical products and the importation of consumer goods, including many basic foodstuffs. Richard, Graham, Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil, 1850–1914 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1968), pp. 14–15Google Scholar; Annibal, Villanova Villela and Wilson, Suzigan, Politíca do govērno e crescimento economia brasileira, 1889–1945 (Rio de Janeiro, IPEA/INPES, 1975), p. 9;Google ScholarEugene, W. Ridings, ‘Class Sector Unity in an Export Economy: The Case of Nineteenth- Century Brazil,’ Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 58 (08, 1978), p. 433.Google Scholar

6 Literature on dependency theory is voluminous. For an often-cited definition dependency see Theotonio, dos Santos, ‘The Structure of Dependence,’ The American Economic Review, Vol. 60 (05, 1970), p. 231.Google Scholar The historical background and evaluation of dependency theory are given in Fernando, Henrique Cardoso, ‘The Consumption of Dependency Theory in the United States,’ Latin American Research Review, Vol. 12, no. 3 (1977), pp. 7–24.Google Scholar Extensive bibliographies on dependency are found in Ronald, H. Chulcote and Joel, C. Edeistein, ‘Introduction: Alternative Perspectives of Development and Underdevelopment in Latin America,’ in Latin America: The Struggle with Dependency and Beyond, eds. Ronald, H. Chilcote and Joel, C. Edeistein (New York, John Wiley & Sons, 1974), pp. 1–87,Google Scholar and Bath, C. Richard and Dilmus, D. James, ‘Dependency Analysis of Latin America,’ Latin American Research Review, Vol. 2, no. 3 (1976), pp. 3–54.Google Scholar Literature on informal empire is somewhat less extensive, less focused on Latin America, and less concerned with contemporary situations. The theory of informal empire has been most thoroughly developed in the writings of John, Gallagher and Ronald, Robinson, particular their celebrated ‘The Imperialism of Free Trade,’ Economic History Review, 2nd Series, Vol. 6 (08, 1953), pp. 1–15.Google Scholar For evaluations of Robinson and Gallagher's work see William, Roger Louis (ed.), Imperialism: The Robinson and Gallagher Controversy (New York, New Viewpoints, 1976).Google Scholar For Brazil, , Richard, Graham, ‘Sepoys and Imperialists: Techniques of British Power Nineteenth-Century Brazil,’ Inter-American Economic Affairs, Vol. 23 (Autumn, 1969), pp. 23–37.Google Scholar Among the most persistent critics of both dependency and informal empire is D. C. M. Platt. See, for example, his ‘The Imperialism of Free Trade: Some Reservations,’ Economic History Review, 2nd Series, Vol. 21 (08, 1968), pp. 296–306,Google Scholar and ‘Dependency in Nineteenth-Century Latin America: Historian Objects,’ Latin American Research Review, Vol. 15, no. I (1980), pp. 113-46.Google Scholar

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8 Bath and Janes, op. cit., p. 16.

9 Except in the case of Felisbello Freire (note 2), who was commenting on figures for total contributors to the Industries and Professions Tax. Brazil, , Ministério, da Fazenda, Relatório de 1894, p. 74.Google Scholar

10 Nícia, Vilela Luz, A luta pela industrializaçã;o do Brasil (1808 a 1930) (Sâo Paulo, Difusã;o Européia do Livro, 1961), p. 58,Google Scholar and Warren, Dean, ‘A industrializaçã;o durante a República Veiha,’ in Estructura de poder e economia, vol. I of O Brasil republicano, Boris, Fausto (ed.), tomo III of História geral da civilizaçã;o brasileira, Sérgio, Buarque de Holanda (ed.) (Sâo Paulo, Difusã;o Editorial, 1975), p. 271,Google Scholar among others, have noted Portuguese predominance in commerce as a whole. For the likelihood of a foreign majority in the business elite see Eugene, W. Ridings, ‘The Foreign Connection: A Look at the Business Elite of Rio de Janeiro in the Nineteenth Century,’' New Scholar, Vol. 7 (1979), pp. 167–81.Google Scholar

11 These records (for 1871–1872) were first published in Brazil, , Ministério, da Fazenda, Proposta e relatdório apresentados á Assembléa Geral Legislativa na segunda sessũlo da Décima Quinta Legislatara pelo Ministro a Secretário de Estado dos Negócios da Fazenda Visconde do Rio Branco (Rio de Janeiro, Typographia Nacional, 1872), Tabella n. 55, not numbered.Google Scholar

12 First levied in fiscal year 1869–1870, the Industries and Professions Tax was often modified for administrative efficiency and to increase the number of contributors. Large-scale revisions were made in 1874 and 1888. Brazil, , Leis, , Decretos, , Etc., Colleçã;o das leis do Império do Brazil de 1874 (Rio de Janeiro, Typographia Nacional 1875), Tomo 7, Parte 2, Vol. 2, pp. 735–73Google Scholar and Colleçã;o das leis do Imperio do Brazil de 1888 (Rio de Janeiro, Typographia Nacional, 1889), Tomo 51, Parte 2, Vol. I, pp. 117–43. It attempted to tax urban professions according to their assumed income and according to the city and province in which they were exercised. Contributors in Rio de Janeiro paid the highest rate and those in economically less important locations had lower assessments. All urban professions were listed in one of four brackets. The levy on each roughly doubled with each step up. Business property was also taxed, but on a separate roll.Google ScholarBrazil, , Colleçã;o das leis de 1874, pp. 746, 756–60. Although all urban professions were subject to the Industries and Professions Tax, the large majority of its contributors were businessmen. Only businessmen occupied the top bracket. Most who did were overseas merchants; several were owners of urban services. Only one retail profession was included among the nineteen listed in the top bracket by the 1874 regulations.Google ScholarIbid., p. 747. The 1888 regulations expanded the number of top-bracket professions to twenty-nine, including four expressly retail. Although the expansion may have reflected the increasing prosperity of several professions, such as rubber merchant, it was more likely motivated by the Empire's increased need for revenue. Three of the four retail professions sold luxury items. Several provinces also attempted to solve pressing revenue problems by imposing versions of the industries and professions tax. ‘Proj edo da receita provincia,’ in Pernambuco, Presidente da Província, Falla corn que o Exm. Sr. Presidente Desembargador José Man oel de Freitas abrio a sessã;o da Assembléa Legislativa Pr'incial de Pernambuco no dia i de marco de 1884 (Recife, Manoel Figueiroa de Faria & Filhos, 1884), pp. 13–38; ‘Balanço da receita…1890 a 1891,’Google Scholar in Bahia, , Inspector do Thesouro, Relatório apresentado ao Exrn. Sr. Governador do Estado pelo Inspector do Thesouro Joulo Moreira de Pin ho, cm 2 de marco de 1892 (Salvador, Diário da Bahia, 1892), not numbered.Google Scholar

13 Beginning in 1888 the Brazilian fiscal year coincided with the calendar year.

14 Eulalia, Maria Lahmeyer Lobo, História do Rio de Janeiro (do capital comercial ao capital industrial e fiaaaceiro) (Rio de Janeiro, IBMEC, 1978), I, 267–8.Google Scholar

15 Graham, , Britain and Modernization, p. 14;Google ScholarEugene, W. Ridings, ‘The Merchant Elite and the Development of Brazil: The Case of Bahia During the Empire,’ Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, Vol. 15 (08, 1973), p. 339.Google Scholar

16 Eugene, W. Ridings, ‘A elite comercial do Brasil no século dezenove; uma anlise preliminar do componente Rio de Janeiro,’ Mensdrio do Arquivo Nacional (Rio de Janeiro), Vol. 8 (01, 1977), pp. 6–8.Google Scholar

17 Sebastiã;o, Ferreira Soares, Elementos de estatIstica (Rio de Janeiro, J. Villeneuve, 1865), I, 263.Google Scholar

18 See table ‘Numero de companhias existentes em 1891,’ in Lobo, , Histdria do Rio, 2, 567.Google Scholar

19 Werner, Baer and Annibal, V. Villela, ‘Industrial Growth and Industrialization: Revisions in the Stages of Brazil's Economic Development,’ The Journal of Developing Areas, Vol. 7 (01, 1973), pp. 258, 227.Google Scholar

20 For Luso-Brazilian tradition, see Charles, R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825 (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1961), p. 333.Google Scholar

21 Brazil, , Coleçã;o das leis de 1874, p. 747.Google Scholar

22 Port cities, particularly Rio, fulfilled the neteenth-century criteria for location of industry: nearness to consumer market, to capital market, and to source of raw materials, which were mostly imported. Lobo, , História do Rio, 2, 463;Google ScholarPlait, D. C. M., Latin America and British Trade, 1806–1914 (New York, Barnes & Noble, 1972), p. 90.Google Scholar

23 Santos was still considered a relatively unimportant port in the 1870s. It exported more than six million bags of coffee by 1897–1898, but only 666,949 in 1873–74. Associaco Comercial de Santos, Relatório da Associeçã;o Commercial de San tos, apresentado em sessã;o ordina'ria da assembléa geral em 20 de Jun lb de 1891 e parecer da commissâo de exame de contas (Santos, Diário de Santos, 1891), Annexo flO. 56, not numbered, and Relatório de 1902, Annexo no. 72, not numbered.Google Scholar

24 Brazil, , Coleçã;o das leis de 1874, p. 746.Google Scholar

25 Ibid..

26 Some business occupations taxed in the highest bracket, such as Coal Merchant, had less than ten members annually. Others, such as ‘Hydraulic Elevator Entrepreneur’, were esoteric. Ibid., p. 747.

27 Van Delden Laërne, C. F., Brazil and Java: Report on Coffee Culture in America, Asia, and Africa (London, W. H. Allen, 1885), p. 464;Google ScholarPaul, Singer, Desenvolvimen to económico e evoluçāo urbana (análise da evoluçāo económica de Sāo Paulo, Blumenau, Porto Alegre, e Recife) (2nd ed., Sāo Paulo: Editôra Nacional, 1977), p. 30.Google Scholar

28 In Industries and Professions Tax records they are listed separately, but are combined here to aid statistical analysis.

29 Commission merchants were placed in the third, and after 1888 in the second, of the Industries and Professions Tax's brackets. However, this reflects the nature of their profit-taking, rather than the lucrativeness of the occupation. Because commission merchants, unlike most other businessmen, could not expand their margin of profit to compensate for increased taxation, it was considered unfair to tax them at the rate of other overseas traders. Pernambuco, , Presidente da Província, p. 16.Google Scholar

30 Ibid., p. 15.

31 Stanley, J. Stein, Vassouras: A Brazilian Coffee County, 1850–1900 (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University, 1957), pp. 82–2: Affonso de Escragnolle Taunay,Google ScholarHistória do café no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, Departamento Nacional do Café, 1939–1943), VII, 67–9. For a detailed treatment of comissários and their role in Brazil's economy,Google Scholar see Joseph, Earl Sweigart, ‘Financing and Marketing Brazilian Export Agriculture: The Coffee Factors of Rio de Janeiro, 1850–1888’ (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas, 1980).Google Scholar

32 Stein, , Vassouras, p. 84;Google ScholarEulalia, Maria Lahmeyer Lobo, ‘Evoluçāo dos preços e do padrāo da vida no Rio de Janeiro, 1820–1930 – resultados preliminares,’ Revista brasileira de economia (Rio de Janeiro), Vol. 25 (Outubro/Dezembro, 1971), p. 245.Google Scholar

33 See, for example, percentages of value for 1870–75 in Mircea, Buescu, História económica do Brasil: pesquisas e análises (Rio de Janeiro, Apec Editora, 1970), p. 266. Jerked beef (charque) was also a high value import. Its merchants are not included in our elite because they were not in the Industries and Professions Tax's highest bracket.Google ScholarBrazil, , Coleçāo das leis de 1874, p. 747.Google Scholar

34 In 1866, for example, national textile production was only six per cent of the value of importation. Lobo, , História do Rio, I, 389.Google Scholar

35 Special treatment might also be dictated by the concentration of industry in Rio de Janeiro. In 1856–57, for example, it contained fifty-six per cent of Brazil's factories. Ibid., I, 187. It remained Brazil's chief industrial center until replaced by Sāo Paulo during the second decade of the twentieth century. Warren, Dean, The Industrialization of Sāo Paulo, 1880–1945 (Austin, University of Texas, 1969), p. 13.Google Scholar

36 Brazil, , Coleçāo das leis de 1874, p. 740;Google ScholarBrazil, , Coleçāio das leis de 1888, p. 120.Google Scholar

37 Dean, , ‘República Velha’, pp. 269–70;Ridings, ‘Elite comercial do Brasil’, 6–7.Google Scholar

38 For example, Francisco de Figueiredo, Visconde de Figueiredo, was a partner in two export–import houses and a director of three banks, a railroad, a steamer line, a textile factory, and four different insurance companies. Ibid., p. 6.

39 All three were taxed at the same rate. Most British firms, which were the leading handlers of coffee, ironware, and dress goods, engaged in both exportation and importation. Graham, , Britain and Modernization, p. 84.Google Scholar

40 The resurgence of sugar benefitted from the decline of coffee-growing in Rio's hinterland and the introduction of central sugar mills. Lobo, , História do Rio, II, 475.Google Scholar

41 Sackers were not present in Santos, Brazil's other principal coffee port. For their function see Taunay, , VII, 67–9, and Andrews to Department of Stare, Rio de Janeiro, 02, 1883, USRC, IX. no. 28, pp. 227–8.Google Scholar

42 A survey published in 1891 counted 195 coffee comissários in Rio. Industries and Professions Tax records (see Table 1) recorded 188 in 1892, indicating that most exporters were listed in other categories. Bureau of the American Republics, Brazil: Bureau of the American Republics Bulletin No. 7, June, 1891 (Washington, D.C., Bureau of the American Republics, 1891), pp. 179–81.Google Scholar

43 Stein, , Vassouras, p. 84;Google Scholar Lobo, ‘Evoluçāo dos preços’, p. 245 Celso, Furtado, The Economic Growth of Brazil: A Survey from Colonial to Modern Times (Berkeley, University of California, 1963), pp. 125–6;Google ScholarGilberto, Freyre, Ordem e progresso(2d ed.; Rio de Janeiro, José Olympio, 1962), 11, 443–2;Google ScholarRobert, Greenhill, ‘The Brazilian Coffee Trade,’ in Platt, D. C. M. (ed.), Business Imperialism, 1840–1930: An Inquiry Based on British Experience in Latin America (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1977), pp. 204, 206.Google Scholar

44 See, for example, Centro Comercial do Rio de Janeiro to President Manoel Ferraz de Campos Sales, Rio, 22 January, 1901, and 6 February, 1901, Relatório dos actos de terceira direcçāo, desde 17 de Julho de 1900 a 17 de Julho de 1901 (Pôrto, Portugal, Commercio do Pôrto, 1901), pp. 225–27 and 218–23. The Centro Comercial do Rio had agreed to act as spokesman for the comissários.Google ScholarIbid., pp. 67–70.

45 This is partially confirmed by Joseph Sweigart's exhaustive study of Rio de Janeiro coffee comisórios from 1850 to 1888. Basing his data mainly on Industries and Professions Tax records, Sweigart finds the nationality of comissários to have been 48 per cent Brazilian, 47 per cent Portuguese, and 5 per cent other European. However, he also finds the nationality of individual partners in Rio de Janeiro comissário firms between 1870 and 1888 to have been 57 per cent Brazilian, 42 per cent Portuguese, and I per cent other European. The discrepancy might be partially explained by a larger proportion of Brazilians among silent partners, theoretically inactive in the firm's business, in comissário firms. Sweigart, , op. cit., pp. 59n., 70, 253, 255, 260.Google Scholar

46 Freyre, , Ordem e progresso, 11, 443.Google Scholar

47 A significant rise in 1882–83, for example, was probably due to both the shifting of merchants from other tax categories and the continued increase in Rio's coffee exportation. A slight decline in totals in 1884–85 and 1885–86 was most likely a delayed reaction to the lower coffee prices which began in 1882. The more pronounced dip between 1888 and 1889 reflected both a poor harvest year in 1887–88 (largely because of the disintegration of slavery and its abolition the latter year) and a revision of Industries and Professions Tax regulations which placed many coffee merchants in other categories. See ‘Tabela M – factores do mercado cafeeiro e a economia do Brasil, 1850–1944’, in Carlos, Manuel Peláez, História da industrializaçāo brasileira: crítica à teoria estructuralista no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, Apec Editora, 1972), p. 219:Google ScholarLobo, , História do Rio, 11, 445–6.Google Scholar

48 Pernambuco, , op. cit., p. 16.Google Scholar

49 Dress goods were always roughly half or more of British exports to Brazil. See ‘Appendix C: Exports from Great Britain to Brazil, 1850–1909’, in Graham, , Britain and Modernization, pp. 330–2.Google Scholar For Britain's share of the market see ‘Tabela: Principais parceiros do Brasil no comércio internacional, 1853–1928’, in Paul, Singer, ‘O Brasil no contexto do capitalismo internacional,’ in Boris, Fausto (ed.), Estructura de poder e economia, Vol. I of O Brasil republicano, which is tomo III of Sérgio Buarque de Holanda (ed.), História geral da civilizaçāo brasileira (Sāo Paulo, Difusāo Editorial, 1975), p. 369.Google Scholar

50 Stanley, J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University, 1957), p. 71; White to Department of State, London, 02, 1899, USRC, LX, no. 224, p. 2.Google Scholar

51 The British, as was the case in dress goods, furnished most of Brazil's ironware. Graham, , Britain and Modernization, pp. 87–8;Google ScholarPlatt, , Latin America, p. 213.Google Scholar

52 The financial crisis of 1875 and the bad coffee harvest of 1887–88, for example, made little impression on the number of dress goods importers. A protracted dip in totals between 1882–83 and 1895 was more likely due to changes in classification practice rather than economic factors. See Table 1.

53 On the advantage of local ties, see Rollie, E. Poppino, Brazil: The Land and People (2d ed.; New York, Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 213. The total number of company heads increased several times in the threeGoogle Scholar

54 Rio's population was 274,972 in 1872, 522,561 in 1890, and approximately 691,565 in 1900. Lobo, , História do Rio, 11, 469.Google Scholar

55 José, Maria Bello, A History of Modern Brazil, 1889–1964, Trans. James, L. Taylor (Stanford, Cal., Stanford University, 1966), pp. 72–6.Google Scholar

56 By 1875–76, or perhaps before, only dividend-paying corporations were enumerated. Brazil, , Ministério da Fazenda, Proposta e relatório apresentados à Assembléa Geral Legislativa pelo Ministro e Secretário de Estado dos Negócios Estrangeiros e Interino dos da Fazenda Barāo de Cotegipe (Rio de Janeiro, Typographia Nacional, 1877), Tabella n. 66, not numbered.Google Scholar

57 Graham, , Britain and Modernization, pp. 224–9.Google Scholar

58 Most industrial establishments recorded were small-scale; in none of the seven years did the number of workers per plant average more than eight. The highest average came in 1877–72, when 137 factories employed 1,039 workers. Brazil, Ministério da Fazenda, Relatório de 1873, Tabella no. 57, not numbered.

59 Stein, , Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, p. 21.Google Scholar

60 Ibid., pp. 71–2.

61 Brazil, , Coleçāo das leis de 1874, pp. 747–8.Google Scholar

62 Luz, , op. cit., pp. 45–8;Google ScholarLobo, , História do Rio, I, 197–201.Google Scholar

63 Warren, Dean, ‘The Planter as Entrepreneur: The Case of Sāo Paulo,’ Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 46 (05, 1966), p. 149.Google Scholar

64 It should be remembered that such combined totals have limitations to their analytical value. Most important is the likelihood of duplicate registration of the many businessmen having interests in more than one principal field: companies, corporations, industrial establishments, and overseas trade. Businesses in different locations were registered and taxed separately, although headed by the same person (see page 7). Furthermore, data on ‘Industrial Establishments’ covers the period only between 1871–72 and 1877–78.

65 Estatística das indústrias e profissōes sujeitas no exercício de 1873 a 1874 ao imposto de que trata o regulamento de 23 de Março de 1869, Arquivo do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro, Arquivo do Barāo de Cotegipe, lata 85, doc. 24.

66 As of 1872 Bahia had six operating textile plants and a number of other factories. Bahia, Presidente cia Província, Falla com que o excellentíssimo senhor Dezembargador Joāo Antônio de Araújo Freitas Henriques abrio a primeira sessāo da décima nona legislatura da Assembléa da Província da Bahia em primeiro de Março de 1872 (Salvador, Correio da Bahia, 1871), pp. 131–4.Google Scholar

67 Francisco Marques de Góes, Calmon, ‘Ensaio de retrospecto sobre o commércio e a vida econômica e commercial na Bahia de 1823 a 1900,’ in Diário Official; ediçāo especial do Centendráio, 8 (07 2, 1923), p. 388;Google ScholarEugene, W. Ridings, ‘Elite Conflict and Cooperation in the Brazilian Empire: The Case of Bahia's Businessmen and Planters’, Luso-Brazilian Review, Vol. 12 (Summer, 1975), p. 86.Google Scholar

68 Until 1875 businessmen from Pará were registered in Sāo Luís, capital of Maranhāo. Figures for Pará were obtained by subtracting figures for Maranhāo from total businessmen registered. Cesar Augusto Marques, A Província do Maranhāo breve memória publicada por ordem do Ministério da Agriculttira, Conmmércio e Obras Públicas (Riode Janeiro, Typographia Nacional, 1876), p. 35. Mappa no. 2, not numbered.Google Scholar

69 Brazil, , Leis, , Decretos, etc., Código commercial do lmpério do Brasil, annotado … pelo Bacharel Sallustiano Orlando de Araújo Costa (2d ed., Rio de Janeiro, Eduardo & Henrique Laemmert, 1869), pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

70 ‘Lifeless’ and ‘backward’ were two descriptions of Maranhāo commerce given by local business leaders themselves. Casa da Praça, Maranhāo, to Emperor Pedro II, Sāo Luiz, no date, 1873, Relatório apresentado pela Commissāo da Praça à Assembléa Geral dos Assignantes da Casa da Praça em sessāo de 13 de Janeiro de 1873 (Sāo Luiz, O Paiz, 1873), p. 21, and Casa da Praça, Maranhāo to President of Province, Sāo Luiz, 21 04, 1871,Google ScholarRelatório de 1872, p. 34.Google Scholar

71 On the stagnation of cotton (and other products) during the nineteenth century, see Nathaniel, H. Leff, ‘Economic Development and Regional Equality: Origins of the Brazilian Case,’ The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 86 (05, 1972), pp. 243–62. Bad preparation pushed Maranhāo cotton below world market prices. Casa da Praça, Maranhāo, to President of Province, Sāo Luiz, 21 04, 1872, Relatório de 1871, p. 31.Google Scholar

72 Casa da Praça, Maranhāo, Relatório de 1867, p. 11, and Relatório de 1872, pp. 34–5.Google Scholar

73 Rubber exports became appreciable about 1850. The boom period lasted from approximately 1880 to 1913. Randolph, R. Resor, ‘Rubber in Brazil: Dominance and Collapse, 1876–1945,’ Business History Review, Vol. 52 (Autumn, 1977), pp. 342–4, 360.Google Scholar

74 Between 1870 and 1902 the quantity of rubber exported from Pará more than doubled; its paper value increased nearly eight times. Centro Industrial do Brasil, Brazil: Its Natural Riches and Industries (Foreign Edition), Volume I: Preface – Productive Industry (Paris, Librarie Aillaud, 1930), p. 254.Google Scholar

75 Brazil, , Ministério da Agricultura, Annexos ao relatório da Agricultura, Commércio e Obras Públicas, apresentado à Assembléa Geral Legislativa na primeira sessāo da décima terceira legislatura pelo Ministro e Seeretário do Estado da mesma repartiçāo Manoel Pinto de Souza Dantas (Rio de Janeiro, Perseverança, 1867), II, Tabella No. 40, not numbered.Google Scholar

76 The 1866 Survey shows a much greater proportion of Brazilians for the province of Bahia than did the 1873–74 Industries and Professions Tax document (see Table 4). Both Portuguese and non-Portuguese foreigners were correspondingly fewer. Since there is no wvidence elsewhere of a notable influx of foreigners into Bahian business between 1866 and 1873, the difference probably stems form the absence of some of the province' urbanized areas (although Salvador is included) in the survey. Ibid..

77 Singer, , Desenvolvimento económico, pp. 158–9;Google ScholarRobert, Avé-Lallemant, Viagem pelo sul do Brasil no ano de 1858, trans. Theodoro Cabral (Rio de Janeiro, Instituto Nacional do Livro, 1953), pp. 97–8, 356.Google Scholar

78 Bennington to Department of State, Rio Grande do Sul (City), December, 1889, USRC, XXXIV, no. 121, p. 232;Google ScholarOskar, Canstatt, Brasil: a terra e a gente (1871), trans. Eduardo de Lima Castro (Rio de Janeiro, Irmās Pongetti, 1954), p. 367.Google Scholar

79 Pôrto Alegre was also one of Brazil's coastal cities not strongly oriented toward international commerce. Like the rest of Brazil it imported most of its consumer goods, but the agricultural products of Pôrto Alegre's hinterland – dried beef (charque), manioc flour, and other foodstuffs – were mainly shipped to other parts of Brazil. Negley to Department of State, Rio Grande do Sul (City), January, 2892, USRC, XXXVIII, no. 136, pp. 52–3;Google ScholarSinger, , Desenuolvirnento econômico, pp. 158–164.Google Scholar

80 Brazil, Ministério da Agricultura, Tabella no. 40, not numbered. Although including its capital and chief seaport, Recife, Pernambuco data is also geographically incomplete.

81 Casa da Praça, Maranhāo, Relatório de 1873, pp. 25–7.Google Scholar

82 Marques, , op. cit., p. 28. The Industries and Professions Tax was not among the taxes referred to in the survey as it was imposed on individuals, not firms.Google Scholar

83 John, Norman Kennedy, ‘Bahian Elites, 1750–1822,’ Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 53 (08, 1973), p. 424;Google ScholarRidings, , ‘Elite comercial do Brasil’, pp. 9–10.Google Scholar

84 In no area examined did the proportion of foreigners in the general population approach that in the business elite. The highest known percentage of foreigners in any city studied was thirty-one per cent in Rio de Janeiro in 1872. Lobo, , História do Rio, 11, 470.Google Scholar There were no impediments to naturalization in Brazil. The twoyear residence requirement could be waived for a number of reasons, including such vague ones as ‘talent,’ ‘learning,’ or ‘professional aptitude.’ Brazil, , Exposiçāo Universal, Philadelphia, 1876, The Empire of Brazil at the Universal Exhibition in 1876 in Philadelphia (Rio de Janeiro, Imperial Instituto Artístico, 1876), p. 384.Google Scholar

85 Praça do Commércio do Pará, Relatório da Commissāo da Praça do Commércio do Pará, apresentado em sessáo da assernbléa geral de 10 de Janeiro de 1889 (Belém, Tavares Cardoso & Cia., 1889), Annexo no. 29, not numbered; Ayers to Department of State, Belém, 06, 1892, USRC, XXXIX, No. 141, p. 355.Google Scholar

86 Michael, G. Mulhall, The English in South America (Buenos Aires, Standard Office; London, E. Stanford, 1878), p. 349;Google ScholarGreenhill, , op. cit., p. 208.Google Scholar

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