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The Working Class and the Mexican Revolution, c. 1900–1920

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Alan Knight
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Extract

Like any major historical phenomenon, the Mexican Revolution can be viewed from a variety of angles. From one, arguably the most important, it was a rural phenomenon, rightly categorised by Eric Wolf as a ‘peasant war’, hence comparable to the Russian or Chinese Revolutions. Form another it can be seen as a generalised social and political (some might like to call it ‘hegemonic’ crisis, marking the end of the old oligarchic Porfirian order and characterised by mass political mobilisation; as such it bears comparison with the crises experienced in Italy and Germany after the First World War; in Spain in the early 1930s; in Brazil in the 1960s or Chile in the 1970s. But what it emphatically was not was a workers' revolution. No Soviets or workers' party sought — let alone attained — political hegemony. No Soviets or workers' councils were established, as in Petrograd or Berlin. There were no attempts at works' control of industry, as in Turin, Barcelina — or the gran mineria of Bolivia.

Type
Articles
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 16 , Issue 1 , May 1984 , pp. 51 - 79
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1984

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References

1 Eric, Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentienth Century (London, 1969).Google Scholar In the course of this paper, relatively few comparisons are drawn with other Latin American labour movements/working classes, though some are drawn (perhaps fancifully) with Europe. In part, this reflects the writer's ignorance; in part his belief that studies of the European working class (by Thompson, Barrington Moore, the Tillys and others) often ask more interesting questions and thus suggest more fruitful lines of comparison. The whole question of the introduction of the time and work discipline of capitalism, now a staple theme in European labour history, has only just begun to agitate Latin American research (e.g. Arnold, Bauer, ‘Rural Workers in Spanish America: Problems of Peonage and Oppression’, Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 59 (1979), pp. 34–63); as yet, it does not seem to have had much impact on studies of the urban workers which, with some notable exceptions, still tend to concentrate on the rather formalistic political and ideological gyrations of labour confederations and their leaderships: acronyms rule.Google Scholar

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42 Cf., Ruiz, Labor, pp. 7–11.Google Scholar

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46 Aggregate figures are hard to obtain; in textiles, while the attrition was probably most marked, the ratio of artisans to factory workers moved from 41,000:19,000 (1895) to 12,000: 32,000 (1910); for these and other figures see Anderson, , Outcasts, pp. 38–9, 46–7.Google Scholar

47 Vitold, de Szyszlo, Dix Mules KilomÈtres à travers le Méxique (Paris, 1913), p. 229;Google ScholarToribio, Esquivel Obregón in Jesú, Silva Herzog, La Cuestión de la Tierra ( 4 vols. Mexico, 1961), II, 132; and Wistano Luis Orozco in the same series, 1, 213.Google Scholar

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49 Soto, B. to Robles Domínguez, A., 22 05 1911;Google ScholarZamora, R. to same, 27 05 1911; Archivo A.Google Scholar Robles Domínguez (henceforth AARD), Biblioteca Nacional de México, 11/2, 11/22; Rowe, Guanajuato, 23 May 1911, SD812. 00/2046; San, Miguel petition to Gobernación, , 27 05 1911, AG 898. Neither these reports, nor such additional evidence as I have found, shed much light on the precise composition of the rioters (in particular, whether they were ‘factory workers’ in the strict sense, or out-workers, or some combination of both); the ‘faces in the crowd’ remain blurred.Google Scholar

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54 Cf., Hobsbawm, E. J., Primitive Rebels: Studies in Arcbaic Forms of Social Movement in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Manchester, 1974), pp. 108–25;Google ScholarGeorge, Rudé, The Crowd in History 1730–1848 (New York, 1964).Google Scholar

55 Hobsbawm, , op.cit., pp. 108, 124. Something akin to Luddism, however, appears to have characterised the worker–peasant movement in Tlaxcala/Puebla: Jenkins, Puebla, 18 11 SD 812.00/14073.Google Scholar

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61 Carr, , ‘Casa’, pp. 613–14;Google ScholarJean, Meyer, ‘Les Ouvriers dans la Révolution Mexicaine. Les Bataillons Rouges‘, Annales E.S.C., vol. 25 (1970). Again, the question is raised of how legitimate it is to include both the artesanos cultos – the skilled, often self-employed craftsmen – and (for example) the print workers or tram drivers under the generic heading ‘artisans’.Google Scholar

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65 Ibid., p. 275 Altariste, B. to Madero, , 26 11 1951, Fabela, 11, 346–8;Google Scholar Banco Oriental manager, Tlaxcala, to manager, Puebla, , 26 09 1911, AG, ‘Convención Revolucionaria’.Google Scholar

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67 Even in the rebel heartland of 1910–11 – the Sierra Madre of Chihuahua – the workers in the timber towns (Madera, Pearson) were reckoned to be genie tranquila, ‘fully dedicated to their work in a very peaceful manner’: Vega Bonilla, J. to Terrazas, A., 30 11 1910, Silvestre Terrazas Archive, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, Box 28. Many other examples could be cited from later in the revolution too.Google Scholar

68 Landa y Escandón's Grand Mutualist Society appears to have had more success than Zubatov's police unions: Anderson, , Outcasts, pp. 232–3; See also pp. 225, 249–50; and Gavira, , op.cit., pp. 9, 13, 17, on the sympathy which some Porifirian officials displayed towards the workers, at least in the Orizaba region.Google Scholar

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76 The railway workers sought not only to organise and improve conditions, but also to supplant the American employees who held the better jobs; in which respect their long struggle – initiated under Díaz – achieved real results: Anderson, , Outcasts, pp. 117–19, 235–41 Ruiz, , Labor, p. 28. Groups such as the Jaliscan Railwaymens Club ‘Union and Progress’, affiliated to Madero's P.C.P.Google Scholar

77 Or, there is a prevailing assumption that where worker–peasants rebel, the initiative springs from the ‘worker(s)’ transforming the peasant(s); as in the crude dualism of vintage development theory, the city (or factory) is seen as the source of peasant politicisation – without which the peasants remain in rural idiocy, inert and ideologically dumb. In fact, the transfer of resources may go the other way.

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81 Ibid., p. 145.

82 Ibid., 107, 109, 133, 143–54; Gavira, pp. 7–9.

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87 John, Rutherford, Mexican Society daring the Revolution. a Literary Approach (Oxford, 1971), pp. 189, 236–7, is a good but not untypical example.Google Scholar

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108 US border report, 20 May; Thurstan, Mexico City, 24 Nov. 1916; SD 812.00/18284, 19943.

109 Rivas, S. to Chamber of Deputies, Hermosillo, 27 09 1919, Trabajo 34/2/8.Google Scholar

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120 Charles, S. Majer, Recasting Bourgeois Europe: Stabilization in France, Germany and Italy in the Decade After World War One (Princeton, 1975 ), pp. 39–60.Google Scholar Cf., for example, ‘the absolute repression by the Brazilian authorities of any attempt at trade union organisation, even the most peacful’, reported by the Italian consul at Sā Paulo: Michael Hall and Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, ‘Elements for an interpretation of the early Brazilian labor movement’, Paper given at the 44th International Congress of Americanists, Mimeo Manchester, Sept.1982; and Thomas, E. Skidmore, ‘Workers and Soldiers: Urban Labor Movements and Elite Responses in Twentieth Century Latin America’, in Bradford Burns, E. and Thomas, E. Skidmore, Elites, Masses and Modernisation in Latin America, 1870–1930, (Austin and London, 1979), pp. 99–103.Google Scholar

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