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Party Elites and Leadership in Colombia and Venezuela

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

John D. Martz
Affiliation:
John D. Martz is Distinguished Professor of Political Science, The Pennsylvania State University.

Extract

‘By studying political parties we imply that the party is a meaningful unit of analysis. Yet we go above the party as a unit, for we also study the party system. By the same token we can go below the party as a unit and study, thereby, the party subunits.’1 This statement by Giovanni Sartori, while published in 1976, might well have been a beacon for budding stasiologists of the early 1960s — certainly for those with a particular interest in Latin America. Following upon such Western European—orientated classics as the works of Maurice Duverger, Sigmund Neumann and Alfred Diamant,2 there seemed genuine intellectual impetus to produce significant scholarship on the parties of what were then customarily termed either the developing or the ‘non—western’ polities. For Latin America, the time appeared ripe for conceptual progress. To be sure, there was justification in remarking that the study of parties in the region was relatively new, while ‘methodo—logical accomplishments have been primitive’.3 Yet this condition was presumably transitory.

In the years to follow there were more serious exploratory efforts, and in time a modest number of case—studies began appearing.4 When the cyclical alternation of democratic and dictatorial regimes began to swing toward the latter by the early 1970s, however, scholarly interest dropped off. More generally, stasiological research went into decline.5 For students of Latin America, only the recent trend toward democratisation has stimulated a revival of interest in parties, campaigns and elections.6 Thus Lorenzo Meyer, for instance, described parties as institutions necessary ‘to channel the energies of social movements, labour unions, and other antiauthoritarian forces present at the beginning of the re—emergence of civil society’.7

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1992

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References

1 Sartori, G., Parties and Party Systems; A Framework for Analysis (Cambridge, 1976), p. 71.Google Scholar

2 Duverger, M., Political Parties (New York, 1954)Google Scholar Neumann, S., Modern Political Parties (Chicago, 1956)Google Scholar Diamant, Alfred, ‘The Relevance of Comparative Politics to the Study of Comparative Administration’, Administrative Science Quarterly, vol. 5, no. 2 (June 1960), pp. 87112.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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4 Theoretical overviews included Martz, , ‘Dilemmas in the Study of Latin American Political Parties’, Journal of Politics, vol. 26, no. 3 (Aug. 1964), pp. 509532CrossRefGoogle Scholar McDonald, Ronald, Party Systems and Elections in Latin America (Chicago, 1971)Google Scholar Ranis, Peter, ‘A Two-Dimensional Typology of Latin American Parties’, Journal of Politics, vol. 30. no. 4 (Nov. 1968), pp. 798832CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Scott, R., ‘Political Parties and Policy-Making in Latin America’, in Lapalombara, J. and Weiner, M. (eds.), Political Parties and Political Development (Princeton, 1966), pp. 331368.Google Scholar Examples of specific case studies were English, B., Liberación Nacional in Costa Rica (Gainesville, 1971)Google Scholar Hilliker, G., The Politics of Reform in Peru: The Aprista and Other Mass Parties of Latin America (Baltimore, 1971)Google Scholar Kantor, H., The Ideology and Program of the Peruvian Aprista Movement (New York, 1966)Google Scholar Martz, J., Acción Democrática; Evolution of a Modern Political Party in Venezuela (Princeton, 1966)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Williams, E., Latin American Christian Democratic Parties (Knoxville, 1967).Google Scholar

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6 Among recent examples is Drake, Paul and Silva, Eduardo (eds.), Elections and Democratization in Latin America, 1980–1985 (San Diego, 1986)Google Scholar, a rather disparate collection of colloquium papers which includes both outstanding and undistinguished contributions.

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11 See the concluding chapter of Neumann, Sigmund (ed.), Modern Political Parties; Approaches to Comparative Politics (Chicago, 1956).Google Scholar

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26 This was reiterated at length in Betancourt's classic Venezuela; polítical y petróleo, 2nd edn. (Caracas, 1967).Google Scholar

27 Oesterling, J., Democracy in Colombia; Clientelist Politics and Guerrilla Warfare (New Brunswick, 1989), p. 162.Google Scholar

28 Boeker, P., Lost Illusions; Latin America's Struggle for Democracy, as Recounted by its Leaders (New York, 1990), p. 221.Google Scholar

29 Ibid., p. 233.

30 For a characteristic statement see Galán, L., Nueva Colombia (Bogotá, 1982).Google Scholar Representative proposals may be found in Liberalismo, Nuevo, 1984–1986; Programa del Nuevo Liberalismo para Bogotá (Bogotá, 1986).Google Scholar Typical of broader political interpretations sympathetic to new reformist elements within the prevailing system is Ballén, R., Liberalismo boy; opción de cambio o agónica supervivencia (Bogotá, 1985).Google Scholar

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39 Two Liberal foundations have been created: the Instituto de Estudios Liberates and the Fundación para la Preservación y Defense de la Democracia Colombiana (FEDEMOCRATICA). Conservative-party organisations dedicated to political research are the Fundación Simón Bolívar, identified with former president Pastrana, and the Fundación para el Desarrollo de los Recursos Humanos, affiliated with the Ospina family.

40 The origins of the party and its evolution until the mid-1960s are analysed at length in Martz, J., Acción Democrática; Evolution of a Modern Political Party in Venezuela (Princeton, 1966).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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49 Useful sources include Castro, J., Eleccín popular de alcalde (Bogotá, 1986)Google Scholar, and the multiauthored Reformas political; apertura democrática, edición preparada por Cristina de la Torre (Bogotá, 1985).Google Scholar A relevant statement from the recent president is Barco, V., Diálogo democrático: ni begemonia, ni sectarismo (Bogotá, 1987).Google Scholar

50 On 13 March 1988 the Liberals won 427 mayoral positions with 2,994,594 votes. The Social Conservatives captured 416 offices with 2,191,254 votes. The communists’ Unión Patriótica won only 14 seats. Although election day itself was relatively peaceful, during the six previous months 29 of the UP's mayoral candidates and over 100 aspirants to municipal councils had been killed. For a legalistic review of electoral procedures, see Becerra, A. Hemández, Las elecciones en Colombia (análisis jurídico-político) (San José, 1986).Google Scholar An informative guide for the Colombian votes is Cepeda, M., Cómo son las elecciones en Colombia (Bogotá, 1986).Google Scholar

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53 Ibid., p. 182.

54 El Espectador and La República, 4.5 August 1986.Google Scholar

55 The powerful factional leader Bertha Hernández de Ospina, widow of former president Mariano Ospina Pérez, noted publicly that the Directorate was composed of ‘the same people with the same ideas’. See La República, 4 August 1986.Google Scholar

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57 Dix, R., The Politics of Colombia (New York, 1987), p. 89.Google Scholar

58 Ibid. An excellent treatment of Colombian parties as electoral agents is Latotre, M., Elecciones y partidos políticos en Colombia (Bogotá, 1974).Google Scholar

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60 An excellent treatment is Rodriguez, G. Hernández, La Alternación ante el Pueblo (Bogotá, 1962), p. 168.Google Scholar

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66 An authoritative treatment is Ellner, S., Venezuela's Movimiento al Socialismo; From Guerrilla Defeat to Innovative Politics (Durham, 1988).Google Scholar

67 This pattern was broken by the December 1988 electoral victory of former president Carlos Andrés Pérez, who succeeded his fellow Acción Democrática member, Jaime Lusinchi.

68 An excellent discussion and rationalisation by a leader of COPEI's rising younger generation is Briceño, G. Tarre, Carta abierta a los copeyanos (que puede ser leída por quienes no lo son), 2nd edn. (Caracas, 1990).Google Scholar For a thoughtful treatment by an informed student of COPEI, see Lares, R. Combellas, COPEI: ideología y liderazgo (Caracas, 1985).Google Scholar The official party statement is found in Partido Social-Cristiano COPEI, Bases programáticas (Caracas, 1987).Google Scholar

69 Note that in 1968 Rafael Caldera won with less than 30% of the vote. Despite occasional discussions of a second-round run-off, Venezuela has chosen not to adopt this arrangement.

70 Beginning in 1978, local elections for district councils were held separately from the other races. Thus the first such elections in more than thirty years were held on 3 June 1979, and were held five years later on 27 May 1984. More detailed analysis is Martínez, Ildemaro, ‘Venezuelan Local Government’, in Martz, and Myers, David (eds.), Venezuela; The Democratic Experience, 2nd edn. (New York, 1986), pp. 584602.Google Scholar

71 This was detailed at length in Martz, , Acción Democrática.Google Scholar

72 See Myers, David J., ‘Party Democracy and the Technological Elite: Venezuelan Professionals and Technicians’, Papers presented to the Latin American Studies Association convention in New Orleans, LA., March 1988.Google Scholar

73 An illustrative party document setting forth such matters is Democrática, Acción, Estatutos (Caracas, 1986).Google Scholar Even more detailed and specialised provisions are adopted for electoral campaigns. Thus, see Democrática, Acción, Reglamento interior de los organismos de dirección de la campaña electoral correspondiente a 1988 (Caracas, 1988).Google Scholar

74 For the classic source see Michels, R., Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy (Chicago, 1962).Google Scholar For an elaboration dealing with the selection of presidential nominees, see Coppedge, Michael, ‘Presidents and Factions in Venezuela’, Paper prepared for the XV LASA meeting, September 1989.Google Scholar

75 The texts of legislative proposals first offered and debated in 1980 and 1981 are found in Mejía, A. Tirado, Decentralización y centratismo en Colombia (Bogotá, 1983).Google Scholar

76 In addition to the volumes of Jaime Castro already cited, see the treatment of apertura in Santamaría, R. and Silva, G., Proceso politico en Colombia; del Frente Nacional a la apertura democrática (Bogotá, 1984).Google Scholar

77 Hoskin, Gary, ‘Colombian Political Parties and Electoral Behavior During the Post-National Front Period’, in Herman, , Democracy in Latin America, p. 61.Google Scholar

78 Barco is quoted in Boeker, , Lost Illusions, p. 198.Google Scholar

79 See the discussion of Rey, J. in his El futuro de la democracia en Venezuela (Caracas, 1989).Google Scholar

80 Comisión Presidencial para la Reforma del Estado, La reforma del estado (Caracas, 1988).Google Scholar

81 Extensive papers and presentations on the topic were held at the Latin American Program of the Woodrow Wilson Center in June 1990, which the author attended. A basic statement by the President of COPRE is Blanco, C., La reforma del estado en la perspectiva latinoamericana.Google Scholar

82 The literature of political clientelism in Colombia is extensive. For a thoughtful and representative work, see Losada, R., Clientelismo y elecciones (Bogotá, 1984).Google Scholar Also see two important new publications on the subject: Leal, F. and Davila, A., Clientelismo; el sistema politico y su expresión regional (Bogotá, 1991)Google Scholar; and Leal, F. and Zamosc, L. (eds.), Al filo del caos; crisis político en la Colombia de los años 80 (Bogotá, 1991).Google Scholar

83 A pair of journalistic analyses which provides an informative if informal perspective was recently published in Pérez, Hesper, Proceso del bipartidismo colombiano y Frente Nacional (Bogotá, 1989).Google Scholar

84 Neumann, , Modern Political Parties, p. 396.Google Scholar