“The Time seems to be excellent for promoting close relations I with Latin America,” Franklin Roosevelt wrote Charles Lyon Chandler on February 15, 1936. For Chandler, the most simpático of all simpáticos, his entire active life was the time for the promotion of inter-American relations. As a consular official, author, agent of the Southern Railway, foreign trade manager of the Chemical Corn Exchange Bank of Philadelphia, agent for the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, and college professor, Chandler vehemently and persistently furthered the cause of inter-American understanding and cooperation. Hundreds of his speeches, articles, and his pioneer book also bear witness to his devotion to panamericanismo, as do the honors bestowed upon him by Brazil, Chile and Colombia. Though Chandler's many activities established his place as a precursor and chief prophet of modern inter-American cultural relations, pursued by private corporations, foundations and government agencies, he has not as yet received a just share of the credit accorded those who started the movement for increased cultural appreciation between North and South America. He remains today a splendid example of the forgotten man.

La Proclamación de la República Dominicana el 27 de febrero de 1844 fué la culminación de un esfuerzo de los Trinitarios para J tomar la delantera a la facción que tramaba con los cónsules de Francia en Port-au-Prince y en Santo Domingo la separación del país respecto del poder haitiano con la protección contractual de la nación francesa. Los Trinitarios se anticiparon audazmente en la carrera que paralelamente emprendían ambos grupos, luchando entre sí, con los dos objetivos diferentes: ellos, la independencia pura, y el otro grupo rival (los afrancesados), la independencia mediatizada.

No puede decirse sin embargo que la independencia dominicana fue un parto prematuro. En todo caso se trató de un parto apresurado.

Mounting Anxieties, frustrations, and fears in Brazil effected a change of government by military force at the end of March of 1964. President Joáo Goulart fled to an Uruguayan exile. Congress, urged by the military, conferred supreme executive power on Marshal Humberto Castelo Branco. Many other sweeping changes followed. None was more complete than the about-face taken in foreign policy.

Castelo Branco spoke out early and unequivocally in his regime in favor of a return to more traditional policies. The graduation exercise of the foreign service school, the Instituto Rio-Branco, on July 31, 1964, provided the propitious place and moment for him to outline the foreign policy goals of his government. He paid homage to the ideals consecrated by tradition: world peace, disarmament, selfdetermination, non-intervention, and anti-colonialism. Moving into the more pragmatic realm of national interests, the president emphasized that his government's foreign policy aimed to increase national power through social and economic development.

A Primera Vista, a más de uno y a más de dos, no dejará de extrañarle el título de este trabajo, porque Palma no se dedicó ,a escribir historia sino que concentró su atención en las tradiciones. Él mismo lo dice. En el Prologuito obligado de la quinta serie de sus Tradiciones, hallamos estos versos:

y en Ropa Vieja, (Lima, 1889) añade: “Tonto de capirote será el que se proponga estudiar formalmente historia peruana en mis tradiciones y en cuanto a si altero o no, de vez en cuando, la verdad, eso es cuenta exclusiva mía.. .”. En otro lugar no tiene reparo en decir que ha ganado fama, contando mentiras bonitas y también que “ha hecho de la historia pepitoria”. Y para remate allá van estas líneas que brotaron de su pluma: “Yo no dicto un curso de Historia Nacional. Narro antiguallas como el pueblo y las viejas cuentan cuentos…”.

The great concern with the economic and social development in Latin America has made the issue of land reform a very fashionable subject of discussion. The importance of land reform has been officially acknowledged in South America as well as in North America by the signing of the Charter of Punta del Este, which established as one of the objectives of the Alliance for Progress the ; change in land tenure patterns wherever necessary in Latin America. The widespread acknowledgment of the importance of land reform has not led, though, to general agreement on the consequences of land reform for the process of economic development in Latin America. It would thus seem appropriate to re-examine the effects of large landholdings on economic development.

The word “community” has been defined as a “structuring of elements and dimensions to solve problems which must be or can be solved within the local area.” This problem-solving process by which the community is directed, segmented, and formed into a structure has been the basis of many community power studies. Floyd Hunter was among the first to study this process, employing what has been termed the reputational method of community study. This method is now considered a standard technique for determining community power structures. It consists of a series of interviews with selected community knowledgeables who are asked to name the most influential individuals in the area. This is followed by a second round of interviews with those influentials who received the highest number of “votes” or mentions from the knowledgeables, asking them for a similar listing in order to rank the group of influentials according to their power in the community.

Una filosofía es una expresión autónoma del espíritu, resultado de la eterna inquietud del hombre —nunca del todo desilusionado por sus fracasos— por ponerse en claro sobre el sentido de su vida y del universo a que pertenece. Así considerada, la obra de cualquier filósofo puede sufrir el examen de su valor intrínseco, como esfuerzo hacia la verdad, en cuyo caso se ejercita sobre ella una valoraciónteórica. Pero la filosofía es a la vez una parte de la aventura del hombre en el tiempo, y va signada por las limitaciones temporales de aquél. Nunca se da en el vacío, sino amalgamada con todos los elementos propios de la vida del hombre en un instante de la historia. Cuando se examina una filosofía según su función en una época, una comunidad o una cultura, lo que se intenta no es ya una valoración teórica, sino una interpretación histórica.

The parochial priests in small Paraguayan towns are generally reputed, in Paraguay, to exercise an extraordinary amount of power and influence over the people of their parishes—to a greater extent, it would seem, than in most other Latin American countries. This is, moreover, despite the fact that the church, as an institution, is considerably weaker, economically and politically, than in all but a handful of such countries. Therefore, what power the individual priest may have can not be viewed as simply an extension of the power of the church. Most urban Paraguayans, including at least some members of the church hierarchy, are inclined to attribute this situation to the alleged superstitious or credulous nature of the Paraguayan peasants. The rural people themselves, on the other hand, are apt to explain the influence of their own local priest, at least, as due to his personal qualities or strength of character, as did the Services when referring to the prestige of the local priest of Tobati.

Roberto Michels, writing in 1915, said about political parties:

This, in a nutshell, expresses his now famous “iron law of oligarchy”— the assertion that every party organization must sooner or later become dominated by a small elite of leaders who will use their power to perpetuate themselves, and will succeed in doing so even in the face of widespread opposition from the rank and file.

Michels is supported in this view by a more contemporary student of political parties, Maurice Duverger, who says that: “The leadership of parties tends naturally to assume an oligarchic form. A veritable 'ruling class’ comes into being that is more or less closed; it is an ‘inner circle’ into which it is difficult to penetrate.”

Development planning in Venezuela began in 1959 as a result of the changes in the economic conditions and in the political situation that occurred in 1958. In that year, on January 23, Pérez Jiménez government was deposed after 10 years of military rule. A provisional government was established and elections were held December 7, 1958 with Rómulo Betancourt (Democratic Action Party) winning a near majority (49%) of votes for Presidency. A coalition government of the Democratic Action party (AD), Democratic Republic Union party (URD), and the Christian social party (COPEI) was established according to a pre-election agreement among these parties.

The economic conditions also changed in 1958. Until that year Venezuela was able to achieve a high rate of economic growth (see Table I) and to accumulate considerable foreign exchange that prevented balance of payments crises such as those which interrupted economic development in other countries.