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The Utilisation of Old Epigraphic Copies

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

W. M. Ramsay
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Extract

Some of the most important inscriptions in Central Anatolia, copied by old travellers with fair accuracy, are concealed in the great collections, such as C.I.G., with false or defective transcription in which their value is lost. The object of this article is to illustrate by examples the importance and the right method of re-studying them. In order to show the facts, as the basis for a new restoration (which will in every case be found closer to the original copy than the published transcriptions), brevity is best served in several cases by quoting former transcriptions fully.

In using the copies of older travellers the chief principle is to emend as little as possible. Certain letters, however, are liable to be confused by any copyist in a difficult text, and correction in such cases is needed within limits. Also, there is a personal equation which can be established in respect of each. Copyists vary in excellence, some being much more trustworthy than others, and there are certain errors to which some are more prone than others.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Hellenic Studies , Volume 38 , November 1918 , pp. 124 - 192
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1918

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References

1 Lenormant found in a tobacconist's shop in Athens a sheet of paper on which was written part of a list of city names and river names, apparently a schoolboy's exercise, which he and Karl Mueller accepted as a genuine ancient scrap of information.

2 In my experience, very often inscriptions are seen once, and disappear (pp. 129 etc.). Germans at home based on this a charge of forgery. Grothe in his Vorderasienexpedition has a just remark about those who am Schreibtisch demand impossibilities in ignorance of facts.

2a See the remarks on pp. 129, 130 etc.

3 ΙΤΥΧΗ would be the easiest correction for ΠΥλΗ, but the case is more serious (see No. IX.).

4 The same name and the same difference of opinion in 32, 35, 76.

5 See No. XXII.

6 I say nothing about myself, because my notebook with the complete text was lost the same year in the post; and there were some divergences of opinion between Hogarth and myself in front of the stone. It should also be mentioned that the inscription was copied by us in a state of considerable physical-weakness. We came down to the coast expecting to buy food, but every native had gone up to the high inner country, and we arrived late in the evening, to find nothing. Next morning early we sent a man to the nearest town (six hours distant) to bring food, but he did not return till 10 P.M. Moreover the mosquitoes, which had driven even the natives up to the high mountain pastures, prevented sleep. Our purpose in that nine days' excursion across Taurus from Laranda to Olba and Korykos was mainly to recopy the great Korykian inscription for the benefit of Bent and (Bishop) Hicks in publishing; and we had nothing with us except what each carried on his own horse. These conditions are not suitable for making accurate copies of a difficult text I was involved in an additional difficulty which at the time I did not appreciate. The inscription is engraved on the anta of a temple, and begins high up. It was necessary to build a platform of stones, gradually raising it as the copy progressed. The platform naturally was accommodated to the height of the taller; and Hogarth had the advantage of six inches or more. At that time I had not learned that it is difficult to see correctly when the eye is lower than the letters, and thus I was exposed to difficulties which in my later epigraphic life I would have avoided. Such are a few of the obstacles that occur in real life, even on a long excursion undertaken for the special purpose of copying afresh an important inscription. The life of an exploring archaeologist contains twenty disappointments to every success.

6a I have expressed this opinion often: the proof is here given: see Roscher's, Lexicon, ii. 2, pp. 2688, 2717Google Scholar.

7 Mr. Anderson, of Christ Church, Mr. Buckler, of the American Embassy, and Professor Calder, of Manchester, have co-operated with me in most of the inscriptions republished here, and have made many suggestions, a considerable number of which I accept. The copies have been circulated by me to some or all of them in the more difficult cases, and have been greatly improved through their criticisms. In many cases I state the name, but my debt is much greater than that: often a conjecture was made by one and modified successively by others, so that no name can be assigned.

8 The stone was cut in two, and thus letters were broken; e.g. from Ρ there may remain in the left-hand fragment only Ι. This has happened at least once in Hamilton's copy.

9 See B.S.A. 1912, p. 77. That the stone was a good one, and probably marble, is clear from the fact that the letters must have been in excellent condition when Hamilton saw it.

10 So Sachau pointed out, but he did not explain why Aias alternated with Teukros in the dynastic family. Evidently the sons of Yavan, the old Ionians, gave a name to the mythical dynast Aias. Telamon also occurs, apparently as the Greek corresponding to Tbelemis (cp. Kutbelemis): other examples on p. 146. Orestes was Oaris or Oareis. This archaistic introduction of Greek mythological names must be distinguished from the real survival, E. and W. of the Aegean Sea, of names like Lykaon (Lukabant), hero ancestor of the Lykaones and king in Arcadia. See pp. 146, 149, 169, 181.

11 See Hill, Br. Mus. Catal. p. xxii.

12 The word ‘Bestes’ occurs as a proper name in an unpublished inscription of Laodiceia, and the suggestion was made by a friend that this inscription should be restored in some such form as καί Βέστης but this cannot be justified. The inscription in question has the accents marked, and is therefore of late date, and no argument can be drawn from names of the ninth or tenth century to prove the existence of a similar name about 300 A.D. I should regard that unpublished inscription as so late that Βέστης is to be treated as a grecised form of a name of the mediaeval type in τζης making Vetzes rather that Bestes the real name.

12a Given below as No. XIII.

13 Some forms may be quoted as showing the tendency of the time and the spelling that was used. The Pisidian Termessos was called ᾿Ιόβια (in some MSS. Ζοβία) in the list of Hierocles, (H.G.A.M. pp. 420, 18)Google Scholar. The dative occurs in inscriptions in the form and in the Zizimene cult there seems to be a certain mixing of Latin and Hebrew forms. The Greek representation of the Emperor Jovian was ᾿ Ιοβιανός

14 C.B. Phr. i. p. 33.

15 The consecration before presentation of the articles is typical of the Anatolian feeling, as well as characteristic of the spirit that ruled in the pagan reaction.

16 See MissRamsay, , Studies in the Eastern Roman Provinces, p. 5Google Scholar. Such mediaeval manufacture as this, which gave Ladik the distinctive title Yorgan-Ladik, were survivals of ancient arts. So it is with two Pessinuntine inscriptions in which the Emperor Trajan thanks a lady named Claudia … for her gift of two fibulatoria and four [trimita] (less complete, Körte, , Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 44Google Scholar; I.G.R.R. iii. 228). Articles sent to an emperor in such small number, and acknowledged from Antium, must have been specially beautiful and valued specimens of local industry.

16a Perhaps there may have been some irregularity in titulature during this late revival, so that the third year of office was falsely called ‘priesthood for the third time.’

17 Cp. Sterrett, , W.E. 1Google Scholar, a ζῶον belonging to the imperial stud.

18 At Antioch the imperial procurator was ex officio priest of the old hieron, using the divine authority to protect the interests of the imperial god, and owner of the Estates: this hypothesis (Studies in the Eastern Roman Provinces, pp. 309, 345) is accepted by Rostowzew, Studien z. G. d. Kol. 301.

19 See Calder, in Class. Rev. 1910, p. 12; 1913, p. 12Google Scholar.

20 The dedication is to (note 13), which halts between Jove and Jehovah. It was published by MissRamsay, in a Report to the Wilson Trustees more accurately than by me in Class. Rev. xix. 1904, p. 370Google Scholar.

21 This epitaph was intended for publication here, but my text is challenged with a rival text by a friend, and must await further consideration. That the emperor is there also introduced into the sepulchral ritual is certain. I find in that ritual also the gods Andisteis, (plural as C.I.G. 3886Google Scholar (cf. pp. 25, 1103 add.), C. B.Phr. i. p. 246, ii. p. 375, where Hamilton's text θεῶν ᾿ Ανγδιστέων is correct), but my friend introduces the twelve gods.

22 Hekatombe: a possible restoration would be ἑκαστ-, but this idea is unnecessary, as annual ritual is expressed in ‘the 10th day of (May or) March.’

23 In this case perhaps emperors.

24 An example dating about 480 A. D. is published by Mommsen, from my copy in Hermes, 1897, p. 660Google Scholar (Gesamm. Schr. Histor. i. p. 561).

25 The analogy would imply a general act of Vespasian in prov. Galatia, giving the civitas to all the great priestly families that had not yet received it. This remains as yet a hypothesis. The two inscriptions have been sent to the Classical Review.

25a In this Anatolian word I keep the accent of the nominative.

25b Sidyma in Lycia the same word?

26 The editors would have found it nearer the copy to read κατεσκέ]βα[σε but there is no justification here for the verb.

27 Of the changes Ω for ⊂ needs no apology: the others are made in C.I.G. with many needless alterations

28 St. 548 erwähnt eine auf königlichen Befehl erfolgte Grenzberichtigung: auch nach Hirschfeld's Bemerkung sind die letzten Zeilen unergänzt geblieben.

29 Owing to lack of proper type the printer used in place of in this and various other of Sterrett's inscriptions. (I have a tracing of his copy.) This gives a look of earlier date; but the forms ware later. Such errors as Π for ΙΤ, Ο for for Ω, etc., are venial in a very difficult text, which has required thirty-three years to interpret.

30 So in the analogous case Hogarth and Hicks read ΜΟΥ: Heberdey and Wilhelm ΜΟΝ (Introd. p. 128).

31 Sterrett, , E.J. 92Google Scholar, more completely Calder, in J.R.S. 1912, p. 80Google Scholar.

32 The corrected text in my Studies in the Eastern Provinces, p. 334. The eye readily passes over the broader obliterated space: I speak from eye-witness of No. 370, where the sense and the space show that a line has been lost.

33 The letters in each line vary from eleven to fourteen. I would have preferred [κατάσ]τασιν to [διά]τα[ξ]ιν following Sterrett's copy, but that gives sixteen letters, which is impossible.

34 The victorious Eumenes would not give his own territory to an unimportant foreign city like Tymbrias.

35 The cult of Nikator (evidently as founder) lasted late: see Sterrett, , W.E. 587Google Scholar.

36 In this I assume the result of a study of Apollonia, still unpublished.

37 Mithradates Euergetes (d. 120 B.C.) also governed Phrygia for a few years, but ruled no part of Pisidia. The acts of Euergetes, (see O.G.I.S. 436)Google Scholar were wholly confirmed by Rome.

38 On p. 569 the αὐλῶνες carry the river between Karalis and Trogitis and between Trogitis and the plain of Iconium.

39 I conjectured at first M[a]sylos, but Hirschfeld correctly restored Misylos from Sterrett's inscription, and his conjecture was confirmed as the probable reading on the stone partially by myself in 1886 and more positively by ProfessorCallander, in 1905, and was finally proved by the occurrence of a name beginning Μισ- in another inscription (J.H.S. 1912, p. 164)Google Scholar.

40 It is the Pisidican Aulon, where Antigonos gained a victory in 319 (Polyaen., Strat. vi. 4Google Scholar, badly misplaced by modern historians). Here the Turks defeated Manuel Comnenus in 1176, and Barbarossa defeated the Turks in 1190.

40a I quote from The Near East ‘a well-known verse’ of the Japanese poet Kamo: ‘How sad to see the light of the moon sinking behind the edge of the western hills. How good it would be if the light seen should remain for ever.’ Ai-Doghmush is hardly seen from E. (the Plateau), only from W. and N.W.

41 The local legend of the Ark was adopted under Jewish, influence, and is taken up in the Sibylline Books (C.B. Phr. ii. p. 670)Google Scholar.

42 H.G.A.M p. 334, Ampelada at Gelendos? Austrian explorers found Amblada S. of Bey-Sheher: are the two identical?

43 I speak without geological knowledge.

43a See Jahreshefte, xv. 1912, pp. 46–7.

44 Yavan and Tarku: see note 10.

45 Orestes, native Oaris, p. 131: ep. Orkistos, , Orkaorkoi, , H.G.A.M. p. 229Google Scholar.

46 ὄντα ἀπόγονον Λυκομήδους corresponds exactly to the Pisidian phrase ὄντες ἀπόγονοι Μάνου Ούραμμόου. The phrase γένος πρωτεῦον παρ᾿ ἡμῖν probably denotes an old priestly family.

46a B. de Phil. xxiii. 1899, p. 149; see Wilhelm, , Neue Beitr. 1911, p. 63Google Scholar. W.H.B.

47 The only Epilaos known to Roscher was son of Neleus and Chloris; an unrecorded legend may have connected him with Pergamos.

48 Buresch, , p. 9; B.C.H. xi. 1887, p. 84Google Scholar; Sm. Mous. No. ϕνζ′.

49 C.B. Phr. ii. pp. 419 ff. Rostowzew, , Stud. z. Gesch. d. r. Kolon. pp. 253Google Scholar f.

49a Stud. Hist. E. Prov. p. 71, etc.

50 See Studies in the History of Eastern Provinces, pp. 372 f.: Pauline and other Studies, p. 376: Luke the Phys. p. 187.

51 Manes or Mannis with long penult VII., VIII., and note 54.

52 Μἠν ᾿ Ασκαίης μεδέων in an Antiochian inscription of Roman time: I regard Askaia as an invented form, late in character, for Askania.

53 Strabo, p. 629, lays emphasis on this mixture.

54 Wilamowitz, in Hermes, xxxiv. 222Google Scholar, takes Μάνης for Μάσνης. Wilhelm (see No. VII.) regards Μάννης as intermediate.

55 In this I assume a topographical identification which cannot be fully discussed. The village Olympokome is known, and in A.D. 735 a hermit called St. George Limniota, evidently connected with the Limnai, had his hermitage in Mount Olympos. I take Mount Olympos here to include in rough Byzantine fashion the ridge which extends from the peak of Olympos to the lake (this ridge was the Snake), and the hermitage is still to the present day an object of pilgrimage among the Greeks of Apollonia and Sparta on August 15th, the Assumption of the Virgin (instituted as a festival early in the seventh century by the Emperor Maurice). This hermitage was visited by Miss Bell in 1907 and by Anderson and myself in 1912. Close to it there is an ancient Phrygian tomb, doubtless regarded as the tomb of some early Phrygian leader, and also a great natural monument like a rock-door on the water's edge. Nature and popular belief combined to make this place a religious centre.

56 Cp. Tourammas, , Sterrett, , W.E. 330Google Scholar (revised by me 1886): Lamos-Tlamoas. Many forms point to OVRA or OWRA as closest to Anatolian pronunciation; but Oura is the modern name of Olba Trach., and Ptolemy has Ouranopolis.

57 See Journ. R: Asiatic Soc. 1881, p. 29; the river Akhelôios is identified with Akkilaios: the personal idea of divine ‘genius’ or protecting spirit is everywhere.

58 E.g. he assigns Sagalassos to Lycia, district beside Masikytos.

59 Wilhelm, A., Beitr. z. gr. Inschriftenk. (1909), p. 36–7Google Scholar. He remarks; ‘In Ορύμαιος wird ein Patronymikon zu erkennen sein: entsprechende Ortsnamen erwähnt Kretschmer, , Einleitung, S. 183, 237Google Scholar.’

60 The Acharnian charcoal-burners certainly possessed slaves.

61 Foucart, , Assoc. Relig. p. 219Google Scholar.

62 In the epitaph of St. Aberkios (Avircius Marcellus) the variation has provoked some strange speculations among commentators who did not know the Phrygian custom.

63 This characteristic suggests a certain musical turn in the Phrygian mind, and mythology fully confirms that impression.

64 The Greeks say that this Mosque was a Christian church originally, but this is not true. It was built as a Mosque.

65 The use of the Roman praenomen Publius by the father (whose nomen is not stated), and the disuse by the son of Latin nomenclature, point to the period towards 400: the son is presumably a mature man, and the father dead. The expression shows the fourth century stage of development towards definitely Byzantine forms.

66 Even an Italian St. Menas at Bari has some slight Anatolian relation. There are three forms of this saint.

67 The number known in the Vienna, tituli As. Min. was 550Google Scholar (see Grothe, , Vorderasienexped. 1911, p. lxxii)Google Scholar, a considerable increase from C.I.G. (nine) and C.I.L. (ninety-six); but there are far more in two towns of Lycaonia alone.

68 Studies in the Eastern Roman Provinces, p. 47.

69 Examples (besides many elsewhere): C.I.G. 3943, 3956 c, 3964 (iambi), 3973, 3982. The stone disregards the metre in 3962. The epitaph of Avircius Marcellus, (C.B. Phr. ii. p. 723)Google Scholar gives two lines on the stone to each hexameter: so Sterrett, , E.J. 182Google Scholar.

70 Personally, I always find it difficult to carry out completely any such plan: omissions and exceptions occur, and increase as one proceeds.

71 This inscription is published also in Muratori iii. p. mcccix. 6. I have not seen it. I doubt whether it is a feasible supposition in C.I.G. 4000 that Lucas, to show his learning, inserted marks in his copy indicating the ends of hexameters, for he had not sufficient knowledge of Greek to intend this.

72 The presence of dots, therefore, is a signal calling attention.

73 In some cases late forms are probable; I follow the common shape of letters except where there was a clear reason.

73a The break at the right lower corner is accidentally omitted in the zincotype.

74 This omission is certain. Lucas became careless at the end, and errors are more numerous there (see Introduction).

75 Ramsay, , C.B. Phr. ii. p. 790Google Scholar; Revue des Univ. du Midi, 1901, p. 275; 1903, p. 269; Pauline and other Studies in Hist. pp. 109–112.

76 Ο would be better in brackets on the conjectural copy: it was put by Lucas in the correction in his note-book and afterwards misunderstood. A common late form of Ω is deceptively like Ο and was mistaken by Lucas. In the zinc I have not made ЄΝ in 3 right: it should be Ι-Ν.

77 One Homeric reminiscence is tralaticious, not original: see p. 158.

78 Iconium was a Phrygian city: Xen., Anab. i. 2Google Scholar. See my Bearing of Discovery on N.T., pp. 53–63.

79 On the fondness of Phrygians, for the middle aorist optat. in preference to the active, see my paper in Philologus, N.F. i. p. 755Google Scholar: C.B.Phr. ii. p. 652.

80 Buckler compares the epitaph Αἰσχύλου Εὐϕορίωνος ᾿ Αθηναίου τόδε σῆμα. Εἰκονιεύσ and Είκονεύς both occur, the latter being late. Είκωνιῆος with ω used for ο (as often) is not allowable, as a short ω is below the standard of this inscription.

81 Kaibel has Γαλατείαν C.I.G. παλαιστᾶν

81a The ligature is badly drawn on the conjectural copy.

82 Those who prefer this tag will find that it causes no alteration in the interpretation stated below except that a little has to be omitted regarding Agala.

83 Buckler's conjecture is really closer, though it has a superficial appearance of being more remote from Lucas.

84 The personal names Galates (masc.) and Galatis or Galateis (fem.) occur in the valley of Apollonia (see Sterrett, , W.E. 500 and 580)Google Scholar, but these may originate in the long connexion of Apollonia with the province Galatia. This point must be left doubtful. The personal name Tagalis (masc.) occurs at Meidan, six hours north of Konia.

85 Anderson suggests ἀλέ[κτ]ορ[α] ἴ[μμ]α πόληος a poetic, rather than a religious, idea; this author read the Orphica, not literary Greek.

86 I understand that 9 continued on the border of the engraved panel (see above).

87 C.I.G. substitutes ἀρ[χιε]ρε[ῖ]ς for ἀρη [τ]ῆρες

88 According to Hesychios the Laconians called ἀγαθἀ ᾿Αχαία with Souidas and Schol. on Ar., Ach. 709Google Scholar he explains ᾿Αχαία as an Attic epithet of the mourning Demeter (derivation, probably false, from ἄχος or ἠχώ)). So at Almassen, in the territory of Derbe, the Attic figure Daeira occurs (Sterrett, W.E. No. 40, revised).

89 Aeschines was minister to his mother, the priestess of Cybele: the case is typical, as described by Demosthenes, , de Cor. 129 fGoogle Scholar.

90 No one will dispute the assumption (now a commonplace): see a paper on the subject in Pauline and other Studies in Relig., pp. 163–190.

91 To primitive Anatolian religious imagination they were the divine Balance (tekel), in which the Greek poet saw the fate of gods and heroes weighed, while the Anatolian belief regarded it as the symbol of the fair market in international trade. The Balance was seen also at Prymnessos.

92 It is not pronounced Taka-lí: there is no feeling that it is a Turkish word ending with the suffix li.

93 The personal name Tagalis (masc.) occurs at Meidan, six hours north of Iconium.

94 The place is still shown above Tsille: no mark or cutting was pointed out.

95 They are about 5,000 feet, Konia 3,370.

96 The reading ζεύ[γ]εσι is accepted by all editors. I tried vainly the other possible interpretation that the word referred to working land by pairs of oxen yoked to ploughs and driven by slaves, conjecturing [ἄ]ροτρ[α in 2.

97 He possibly had in mind vaguely the well-known inscription of Apollonia, (793 in his collection, C.I.G. 3973, Lebas 1192)Google Scholar, where the allusion to the Trocmi and the Galatians implies that Apollonia was in their territory (though as a matter of fact Kaibel wrongly follows Waddington and G.I.G. in supposing that during famine the erector of the dedication fled from Apollonia to Celtic Galatia). Kaibel also neglects Λ at the end. Lucas did not add letters, though he sometimes one.

98 According to Imhoof, , Kleinasiat. Münzen, p. 415Google Scholar, the connexion of Iconium with Galatia ceased before the middle of the second century, for he thinks it was a city of the Κοινὸν Λυκαόνων in the triple province Cilicia-Lycaonia-Isauria. This, however, is not correct. Iconium was not in the Κοινὸν but remained in provincia Galatia till 295.

99 The translator alters Isauriae of the Latin.

100 These names are certainly corrupt. See later, p. 166.

101 It is clear from the various references in Gregory that Athanasios had gone to Rome to clear himself from the accusation of Manichaeanism. Gregory heard him, conversed with him about things in Lycaonia, was convinced of his innocence, and wrote to Constantinople on his behalf.

102 There can be no doubt that the old legend mentioned the Virgin Mother herself, and not the Saint, who is a later intrusion.

103 Sabazios was ὁ διὰ κόλπου θεός, δράκων . . . διελκόμενος τοῦ κὁλπου τῶν τελουμένων (Clem. Alex., Protr. ii. p. 76)Google Scholar. Men is of the same character.

104 In the Acta Sanctorum there are three saints called Menas, two connected with Anatolia, and all unhistorical. The surname Tamnacus is obscure, and probably corrupt. The monastery was in the province of Lycaonia, (quod in Lycaonia est provincia constitutum, Epist. vi. 66, p. 842)Google Scholar, but in the superscription Anastasios is addressed as ‘presbytero de Isauria.’ In another letter (Epist. vii. 5, p. 852) Gregory speaks of Athanasios as a presbyter of Lycaonia, . Yet in Dialog. iv. cap. 38, p. 441Google Scholar, Anastasios is a presbyter of Isauria, though the story which he narrates is specifically connected with Iconium.

105 St. Chariton is not mentioned in the older Martyrologies on 28th September, but in the Hieronymian Martyrology there is a Chariton on 25th July.

106 St. Saba, who has a shrine in the Church, was the chief figure in the early monastic system of Palestine. Amphilochios was made bishop of Iconium A.D. 371.

106a See note 104.

107 Even if it were allowable to alter Isauria in Gregory to Isaura, it would still be impossible to maintain that the monastery of St. Menas was at Isaura Nova in prov. Lycaonia, and the monastery ‘of the Galatai’ at Iconium. Under Justinian and earlier, it is true, Isaura Nova was subject to Iconium. Isaura Palaia was metropolis of the large Province Isauria from 295; but in 372 Isauria was shorn of its northern bishoprics, Seleuceia was made metropolis of the diminished province, Lycaonia was constituted a province from parts of Pisidia and of the old larger Isauria, and Iconium (previously a secondary capital of Pisidia, 295–372) became permanently the metropolis of the new province Lycaonia (including Isaura Nova). But the reading Isauria, not Isaura, stands firm in Gregory's text; and the connexion of Athanasios with Iconium is clearly fixed in Gregory's mind. Isaura Palaia remained autokephalos.

108 πάνλϵυκος or πάλλϵυκος is a violent change.

109 As the priestly pair represent the divine pair, Father and Mother, so Zotikos plays the part of the God-Son in the ritual.

110 In this case they are all household servants of the priest: others did not participate. Compare the description of a ritual procession in Ignatius, , Eph. 9Google Scholar (see Letters to the Seven Churches, pp. 159 f.): the appearance was similar in all such ceremonies.

111 That such a monument should be a forgery is impossible.

112 C.B. Phr. ii., pp. 431 f.

113 Cronin prints ΠΟΛΗ by a slip, as my first copy was his sole authority; both my copies have ΠΟΛΕ.

114 Mommsen prefers to accent Ζιζιμμήνῃ (presumably on the analogy of Δινδυμήνη which had passed from the category of adjectives to that of personal names). In 2 he supposes a ligature of ΕΤ, perhaps rightly.

115 There is not room for κυρίου in full [probably Heberdey's σ[ϵβαστῇ] is right].

116 There was a tribe of Athena P[olias], and Athena often occurs on coins and sometimes in inscriptions at Iconium.

117 Latin was used in municipal documents during the years immediately following the foundation of the colony c. A.D. 135; but this is a dedication by an individual, not by the State.

118 I follow Körte, as stated.

119 Calpurnius Asprenas, 68–72, is not sufficient to explain the facts. His full name was probably (L.? Nonius) Asprenas Calpurnius (Torquatus): the last, name often occurs in Galatia, but Serranus does not: see Prosop. Imp. Rom.

120 The clearest example is M. Ulpius Pomponius, who gained the civitas when Pomponius Bassus was governor, c. 101 A.D., and whose son M. Ulpius Pomponius Superstes was first duumvir of the new colonia Icon. c. 130.

121 There is an almost unrecognisable copy of the same inscription made by Diamantides and published from him by Sterrett, E.J. No. 241, without transcription. See p. 126.

122 The number 17 depends upon an inaccuracy in I.G.R.R. The number in this line should be 19.

123 De iuris etc. vocab. in gr. serm. conversis, p. 97.

124 In the former publication the type did not show all the traces; and even in the zinc I cannot imitate successfully the timid, sometimes slanting forms.

125 The printed text in Ath. Mitt. shows Η in 24, but both copies (1886, 1911) agree that the symbol is Μ badly shaped.

126 The reading προλείψασα [ᾑπιον υἰὸν] πετάμηνον was tried, but does not suit the traces.

127 Luke the Phys. and other Stud. in Hist. Relig. p. 406 f.

127a Loc. cit. and Studies in the Eastern Roman Provinces, p. 89; cp. 1 Pet. i. 13, iii. 17.

128 The terms πρωτοκωμήτης and κώμαρχος (κωμἄρχης) are found in Lycaonian and Phrygian fourth century inscriptions. Read in 12, παγάρχη(ς) or παγάρχή(σας). παγαρχία and πάγαρχος are known, but not παγάρχης nor παγαρχέω. The possibility must always be admitted that Pagarchia was placed last, as outside the municipal career, and implies only ‘head of a village.’

129 Δ is surpassed by Ε, C.B.Phr. No. 262. It can hardly stand for δ(εκουριῶνος) which is expressed by βου(λευτής) in 6 and often in Antioch in the fourth century, nor for βου(λευτής) πρώτου)

130 The stone should be found again: Sterrett thought it was complete.

131 In 5 perhaps read ἱεροὺς μεγάλους in 7 σ(ε)ιτεύσαντα ? 8 ἐνιαυτόν? or even τετράμη νον? 11 ἐν ᾿Αρμενίᾳ? δωρεάν is too short; 13 f. [δόντα ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρί]δος εἰς δ[ιανομὰς καὶ εὐωχίαν] πολυτελῶς κ.τ.λ. or some such vague form, is possible.

132 C.B.Phr. ii. pp. 387, 518; Lebas, 2145; Leblant, Insc. Chr. G. ii. p. 406.

133 The second Roman names may come from his mother.

134 The word is quoted from Athanasius of a doctor making his rounds (similarly the verb). It is also used of a spiritual visitor almost in the sense of χωρεπίοκοπος Canon 57 of Synod. Laodic. provides that in the villages and country districts not bishops but περιο δειταί should be appointed, in order to prevent the term bishop from falling into low esteem.

135 See the Thousand and One Churches, No. 8, p. 518, and C.B.Phr. No. 420, C.I.G. 3920.

136 Wilhelm, , Beiträge, p. 224Google Scholar.

137 On καί compare No. VIII. l. 2.

138 Stonecutters or artists, trained at Dokimion to do high-class work in any kind of marble, were widely employed. At Pisidian Antioch in the second century B.C., Menander, son of Diogenes, of Dokimion signed his name on the seat of a statue of Zeus rather larger than human size (the ordinary type of Zeus seated, as on coins of the Seleucid and other kings). Dokimian workmen were employed at Laodiceia, (Ath. Mitth. 1888, p. 237)Google Scholar. References to the use of Dokimian marble occur at Apollonia, (C.I.G. iii. 3973Google Scholar; L.W. 1192) and at Hierapolis, (C.I.G. iii. 3922)Google Scholar.

139 Of course, the final line is often short, apart from any constructional reason. I have, however, placed it between the crowns symmetrically, as this was likely to suit the taste of the artists.

140 On many honorary monuments the name of a tribe was engraved within a garland.

141 The title Prostates was used both in Iconium and in Laodiceia.

142 Strabo, p. 383. Plutarch, , Solon 23Google Scholar, has lost the essential character; but the German authorities prefer Solon, and accuse Strabo of error. Elsewhere, the history of the words Geleontes and Aigikoreis will be discussed. Plato, , Tim. 24Google Scholar, Crit. 110, confirms Strabo. Aigikoreis are Aigi-kaueis, goat-priests, like Attabokaoi at Pessinous (attâWo, ἄττηγος, the goat, Attes the archiattegos: cp. No. XV.).

113 In modern Turkey these masons are practically always Greeks: I know one exception alone, and his work was done without mortar, though in this class of construction he was skilful. The ordinary Turkish mason can do only very rude rough work. The masons hack away projecting parts, if they pride themselves on their skill. The rude Turk leaves the stone as he finds it.

144 How did stemma come to mean pedigree, as is usual in Latin? Examples occur even in Greek (Eur., Andr. 895Google Scholar; Plut. Vit. Num., Init.). The supposition that genealogical connexion was indicated by woollen threads, as repeated in and from German authorities, does not convince. Was it that, in a pedigree roll, the names (or the chief names) were put within garlands? Stemmata quid faciunt etc. in Juvenal acquires increased vividness on this supposition.

145 The tribe of Athena is in genitive: compare ϕυλὴ Διός at Amorion. The missing tribe at Iconium was perhaps (ϕυλὴ) Δ:ός, as Zeus is so frequently named on coins and inscriptions.

146 Formerly I suggested [Πόπ]λιον instead of Αἴλιον. The space does not permit, and Αἴλιον is assured from a newly found text.

147 In respect of Anatolian antiquities and expression it stands in contrast to the admirable work of Keil and Premerstein, who have studied Anatolia carefully.

148 Wilhelm seems doubtful whether ϕρονῶν (repeated by error in 3) or Φρόντων should be read.

149 Flowers or vegetables in grave-plots at Akmonia, , Rev. Et Anc. 1901, p. 275Google Scholar (read προν[ομϵύϵιν πρὸ, ), C.B.Phr. ii. p. 563Google Scholar.

149a The alternative ἀνορύξῃ ἢ ἀϕανίσῃ (τὸ μνῆμα) is correct (B.C.H. 1888, p. 33), as stating two widely diverse ways of violating the grave.

150 H.G.A.M. pp. 226, 222. The form is doubtful: it was the seat of St. Agapios. The resemblance Merkez-Myrika seems accidental, as the Hammam was made Merkez of the Kaimmakamlik only about 1880.

151 I change the published spelling to follow exactly that on the stone. ΙΜ was a ligature of ΝΜ, misread in the copy. Λ was misread instead of Δ.

152 I change his text in one detail, as stated later. Perhaps should be ‘corrected’ to but it is safer to follow the copy. Ε for ει in ί έρ(ει)αν

153 Acts xvii. 29: τὸ Θϵῖον.