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Ateas and Theopompus

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 October 2013

John Gardiner-Garden
John Gardiner-Garden
Affiliation:
98, Schlich St., Yavralumla A.C.T., 2600, Australia
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Extract

The fourth century BC Scythian King Ateas is mentioned in no contemporary, or near contemporary extant classical work, yet he is the subject of numerous stories in the works of such later writers as Trogus Pompeius (as epitomised by Justin), Satyrus (as quoted by Athenaeus), Polyaenus, Plutarch, Strabo, Frontinus, Lucian, Clement of Alexandria and Jordanes (in the sixth century AD). These stories all refer to events which might be dated to a period beginning a year or two before Philip's siege of Perinthus and ending the year after the siege. They would have fallen outside the scope of Ephorus' ‘Ιοτορίαι which seem to have come to a sudden end with Philip's siege of Perinthus in 341/40, but would not have fallen outside the scope of Theopompus’ work, Books xlvii–l of which contain many references to Thrace in this period (F217-26). The present paper is an investigation of the historical and historiographical significance of these stories. It will be argued that the various stories dealing with Ateas are historically reconcilable with each other, offer insights into the progress of a Scythian migration into the region south of the lower Danube and are compatible with, perhaps derived from, Theopompus' account of events in that period.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Hellenic Studies , Volume 109 , November 1989 , pp. 29 - 40
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1989

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References

1 Niese, B., Hermes xliv (1909) 170–8;Google ScholarBarber, G. L., The history of Ephorus (Cambridge, 1935) 11;Google ScholarFGrH II c 24-5; Hammond, N. G. L., CQ xxxi (1937) 86–7Google Scholar.

2 The Polyaenus story perhaps going back to Theopompus through the mediation of Duris: cf. Rostowzev, M., Skythien und der Bosporus i (Berlin 1931) 110,Google ScholarSchubert, G., Die Quellen zur Geschichte der Diadochenzeit (Leipzig 1914) 79–89Google Scholar and Duris F 75.

3 Even though Schaefer, A., Demosthenes und seine Zeit ii (Leipzig 1886) 519Google Scholar believes Philip conducted no sieges on the east Thracian coast and that an account of such a siege could not have been found in the 50th book of Theopompus' history.

4 For the text and a French translation see Baschmakoff, A., La synthése des périples pontiques (Paris 1948) 104–5Google Scholar.

5 See RE xii (1937)Google Scholar s.v. ‘Triballi’ 2392-401 for a review of the tribe's history. Herodotus does not mention their presence in the region, and in later times Thucydides (ii 96) placed them beyond the river Oscius (Isker) and north of Mt. Scombrus. On the great extent of the tribe (up to the Danube) in later times see Strabo vii 5.11.

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11 According to Arrian the Getae had wheat fields extending down to the river (i 2.5) and one of their towns was but four miles from the river (i 4.1-5). They were also probably the people who used dugouts ‘for fishing, for up-river expeditions among themselves, and even more for thieving’ (i 3.6).

12 Gutschmid, A., Kleine Schriften iii (Leipzig 1892) 441Google Scholar saw the reference to a Histrian King as precluding the possibility that the reference was to the inhabitants of the Greek city, but Schelov, D. B., Eirene ix (1971) 41Google Scholar n. 22 (henceforth cited as Schelov) does not see this as a problem. The identification of the Histriani as the inhabitants of Histria has been made by Alexandrescu, P., Studii Clasice ix (1967) 88Google Scholar (henceforth cited as Alexandrescu); Nicorescu (n. 10) 24; Momigliano, A., Athenaeum xi (1933) 343Google Scholar (henceforth cited as Momigliano) and Hammond and Griffith 561.

13 See Ellis, J. R., Philip II and Macedonian imperialism (London 1976) 167Google Scholar and ch. VI. n. 37.

14 Jordanes, , ‘Romana et Getica’ in Monumenta Germaniae historica inde ab anno Christi quingentesimo usque ad annum millesimum, Auctores antiquissimi, Vol. 5.1, 1882 (rep. 1961) ed. Mommsen, Theodor (Berlin 1961) x 65Google Scholar. English translations of Jordanes used in this paper will be from The Gothic history of Jordanes, tr., intro., and comm. by Mierow, C. C. (New York 1966, rep. of 1915 ed.)Google Scholar.

15 Iliescu, V., Actes de la Xllè Confèrence Internationale d'éudes classiques, Eirene, 1972, Bucharest (Amsterdam 1975) 421,Google Scholar n. 81.

16 Athenaeus xiii 557 d.

17 Dio is cited as an authority and/or praised a total of five times in the Getica (ii 14; v 40; ix 58; x 65; xxix 151). Jordanes probably believed, as Cassiodorus and Suidas had before him, that the Dio who wrote the Getica was Dio Cassius, when it was probably Dio Chrysostom. See Mierow (n. 14) 29 n. 98.

18 For a full discussion of Cassiodorus as a source see Mierow (n. 14) 23-9.

19 Suggested by Alexandrescu 91 and Hammond and Griffith 560.

20 Iliescu (n. 15) 421 n. 88.

21 Ibid. n. 86. The anti-Macedonian and pro-Gothic sentiment in Jordanes' work would seem strong enough to argue that he was here consciously manipulating history.

22 Plutarch, Demetrius i 6; Pericles i 5; Moralia 'Table talk ii 632 C; Pliny, , Natural history xxxvii 6,Google Scholar xxxvii 7.

23 Moralia 67 F; 179 B, 334 B and 634 C–D; Athenaeus x 46, quoting Theopompus' 53rd book.

24 Athenaeus xiv 627.

25 Hammond and Griffith 562 and 582.

26 Ibid.

27 Watson, Justin, Cornelius Nepos and Eutropius, 82 note.

28 Such a plan as this was suggested by Momigliano 342 f.

29 Schelov 44, with reference to two articles on the historical concepts of Pompeius Trogus by K. K. Zel'in.

30 As Shrimpton, G., Phoenix xxxi (1977) 137Google Scholar observes, implicit in Theopompus' work is the presupposition ‘that the absence of moral and political self-control leads to the loss of all hope of controlling one's destiny’.

31 Alexandrescu 87 and Momigliano 348. Cf. Arrian i 4.5.

32 Justin ix 3.1 ‘But as Philip was returning from Scythia, the Triballi met him’ (Sed revertenti ab Scythia Triballi Philippo occurrunt) and Aesch., Against Ctesiphon 128 ‘Philip was not in Macedonia at that time, nor in Hellas, but in Scythia—so far away as that!’ (οὐκ ἐπιδημοῦντος ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ Φιλίππου, οὐδ' ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι παρόντος, άλλ' ἐν Σκύθαις οὕτω μακρὰν ἀπόντος.

33 In vii 3.13 Strabo writes ‘the Scythians and Bastarnians and Sauromatians on the far side of the river (the Ister) often prevail to the extent that they actually cross over to attack those whom they have already driven out, and some of them remain there, either in the islands or in Thrace …’ and in vii 4.5 he writes that although ‘Little Scythia’ (μικρὰ Σκυθία) was initially a region between the Borysthenes and the Maeotis, ‘on account of the large number of people who left Little Scythia and crossed both the Tyras and the Ister and took up their abode in the land beyond, no small portion of Thrace as well came to be called Little Scythia.’

34 See Schelov 44.

35 Pickard-Cambridge, A. W., ‘Macedonian supremacy in Greece’ in CAH vi (1927) 256Google Scholar f; Chapot, V., Philippe II de Macedoine, homme d'état (Paris 1936) 80;Google ScholarCloché, P., Un fondateur d'empire Philippe II, roi de Macedoine (S.-Etienne 1955) 252–3;Google ScholarCloché, , Histoire de la Macedoine jusqu'à l'avènement d'Alexandre le Grand (Paris 1960) 233;Google ScholarHogarth, D. G., Philip and Alexander of Macedon, two essays in biography (New York 1897) 115–16;Google ScholarHeuss, A, ‘Hellas’ in Propyläen Weltgeschichte iii Griechenland; die hellenistische Welt (Frankfurt, Berlin 1962) 396Google Scholar.

36 J. R. Ellis (n. 13) 185 and Hammond and Griffith 581.

37 Schaefer 517, Momigliano 345 and Schelov 46. This intention is very briefly alluded to by Danov, Chr. M., Altthrakien (Berlin 1969) 365Google Scholar. Iliescu (n. 15) 422 suggests Philip's aim was the extension of his realm as far as the Danube, but omits consideration of the significance of the Greek cities of the east Thracian coast in Philip's deliberations.

38 Two coins were published by F. Imhoof-Blumer in Revue Suisse de Numismatique and G. F. Hill in Numismatic Chronicle in 1908 and 1912 respectively, and three were published by A. Rogalski in Varna and V. A. Anoliin in Kiev in 1955 and 1965 respectively. The numismatic evidence is overviewed by Alexandrescu 88.

39 Cf. Schelov 38.

40 As Schelov 37 suggests.

41 Schaefer 520; Cloché, Histoire de la Macedoine (n. 35) 234; Wüst, F. R., Philipp II von Makedonien und Griechenland in den Jahren von 346 bis 338 (New York 1973) 234;Google ScholarGlotz, G., Histoire grecque III. La Grèce au IVè siècle: la lutte pour l'hegemonie, 404-336 (Paris 1931) 345;Google Scholar Nicorescu (n. 12) 24-5.

42 Iliescu, V., Historia xx (1971) 175;Google ScholarPippidi, D. M., Epigraphische Beiträge zur Geschichte Histrias in hellenistischer und römischer Zeit (Berlin 1962)Google Scholar.

43 Hammönd and Griffith 561.

44 Iliescu (n. 42) 172 and 182.

45 As Heracleodorus, for whom Aristocritus cites the letter, is probably the opponent of the Epicurean Philodemus, a contemporary of Cicero, Aristocritus may have lived in the first century BC.

46 Hammond and Griffith 561 n. 5.

47 Iliescu, , Eos lvi (1966) 318–19Google Scholar. Jordanes x 62: tunc Thomyris regina aucta victoria tantaque praeda de inimicis potita, in partem Moesiae, quae nunc a magna Scythia nomen mutuatum minor Scythia appellatur, transiens, ibi in Ponti Moesiaco litore Thomes civitatem suo de nomine aedificavit.

48 Jordanes was keen to give such etymological explanations. For example, Getica 48: ‘Hence even today in the Scythian tongue they (the Parthians) are called Parthi, that is, Deserters (parentes)’ and Getica 156: ‘the land of the Bruttii… chanced to receive its name in ancient times from a Queen Bruttia’.

49 The omission from Jordanes' account of the Scythians' eventual defeat at the hands of Philip, the event which to Trogus was of the utmost significance (Justin i 2), is hardly surprising. Jordanes on his own admission, wrote his history ad maiorem gloriam Gothorum (Jordanes, Concl. 315-16), and while, for example, he will relate Decabalus' success against Domitian, he fails to mention Trajan's subsequent victory (76-8). See also the account of Darius' disastrous ‘Gothic’ expedition (63); Xerxes' return to Asia after fearing to face Goths in battle (64), and of Sitalces' victory over the wrong Perdiccas (66). On this issue see Iliescu (n. 47) 319 and (n. 15) 411-28.

50 Jordanes was clearly interested in foundation stories. See the ones on Marcianopolis (101) and Anchialus (108).

51 On the existence of such a relationship see Iliescu, , Actes du premier Congrès international d'études balkaniques et sud-est européennes, 26 aout–1 sept. 1966, II (Sofia 1970) 172Google Scholar.

52 This date has been proposed by Coja, M., Studii si cercetari de istorie veche xv (1964) 384–400Google Scholar. The earlier date of the end of the 6th century BC is favoured by Dimitriu, S., Dacia viii (1964) 132–44Google Scholar. For a discussion of a possible late 6th century BC context for the destruction see the present author's article ‘Dareios' Scythian Expedition and its aftermath’ Klio xlix (1987) 326–350Google Scholar.

53 Nicorescu (n. 10) 23; Pickard-Cambridge (n. 35) 256; Momigliano 346; Aymard, A., Le monde grec au temps de Philippe II de Macedoine et Alexandre le Grand (Paris 1952) 170;Google Scholar Alexandrescu 90; G. Glotz (n. 41) 344–5.

54 See discussion in Schelov 34.

55 Ateas' sayings are included between those of Idanthyrsus and Scilurus (Moralia 174 E–F), both of whom are associated with Scythian activity on the north Pontic coast. On Idanthyrsus see Hdt. iv 76, 120 and 127. On Scilurus see RE iii A. 1526–7 (1927)Google Scholar s.v. ‘Skiluros’. None of the sayings in the Apophthegmata are attributed to subordinate or provincial rulers.

56 Kallistov, D. P., Philologus cxvi (1972) 285–92Google Scholar. Of the 19 other occurrences of δοκϵῖ or δοκϵῖ μοι in Strabo's work, one is in a quotation from Ephorus (i 2.28), 12 are concerned with relating mythology or very early, legendary, history (v 2.5; v 4.4; vi 1.1; vi 3.8; vii 3.2; vii 3.6; vii 7.2; viii 3.5; viii 3.20; viii 3.32; viii 4.9; viii 6.9) and 5 are concerned with ‘geographical’ subjects (vi 1.12; vii 5.9; viii 3.3; viii 4.8; viii 6.19). Only once does he use δοκεῖ with regard to an historical matter and that is in the Ateas passage.

57 von der Mühll, P., MH xvi (1959) 145–51,Google Scholar observes that both Strabo and Theopompus date the Cimmerian invasion of Asia Minor before Homer, and not vice versa: Strabo i 2.9 and iii 2.12 and Theopompus FGrH F 205.

58 RE v. A.2 (1934) 2213Google Scholar s.v. ‘Theopompos’, Connor, W. R., GRBS viii (1967) 133–54Google Scholar and Aalders, G.J. D., Historia xxvii (1978) 317–27Google Scholar.

59 Hartog, F., Le miroir d'Herodote: essai sur la representation de l'autre (Paris 1980)Google Scholar.

60 In xi 9.2 Strabo made the following observation upon the Parthians' success: ‘The cause of this is their mode of life, and also their customs, which contain much that is barbarian and Scythian in character, though more that is conducive to hegemony and success in war.’

61 Schaefer (n. 3) 518.

62 Trüdinger, K., Studien zur Geschichte der griechischen-römischen Ethnographie (Basel 1918) 63Google Scholar. Theopompus F 45: ‘Σκυθικὸν βρῶμα ἐξ ἱππ<εί>ου γάλακτος. οἱ δὲ ὀξύγαλα ἱππεῖον, ὡς χρῶνται Σκύθαι. πίνεται δὲ καί ἐσθίεται πηγνύμενον, ὡς Θεόπομπος ἐν γ αὐτοῦ λόγου’. (Scythians drink from mare's milk. The sharp milk of horses, which the Scythians use. It is drunk, or being frozen is eaten, as Theopompus writes in the third book of his work.)

63 van Paassen, C., The classical tradition of geography (Groningen 1957) 259Google Scholar and Müller, K. E., Geschichte der antiken Ethnographie und ethnologischen Theoriebildung von den Anfängen bis auf die byzantinischen Historiographen i (Wiesbaden 1972) 223Google Scholar.

64 Rostowzev (n. 2) ch. 2, 4 and 5.

65 Hammond and Griffith 560 and 583 respectively.