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The pagan holy man in late antique society*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 October 2013

Garth Fowden
Garth Fowden
Affiliation:
Peterhouse, Cambridge
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Extract

A Love and desire, to sequester a Mans Selfe, for a Higher Conversation … is found, to have been falsely and fainedly, in some of the Heathen; As Epimenides the Candian, Numa the Roman, Empedocles the Sicilian, and Apollonius of Tyana; And truly and really, in divers of the Ancient Hermits, and Holy Fathers of the Church.

F. Bacon, Of friendship

The holy men of Greco-Roman paganism will never inspire either the reverence or the fascinated horror that the ascetics and monks of early Christianity have commanded ever since they first impinged on the common mind in the time of Antony and Athanasios. Writing for a Christian audience, Francis Bacon could dismiss the semi-mythical Epimenides and Numa, and notorious exhibitionists like Empedokles and Apollonios, as self-evident imposters; while in our own less devout times the abundance of the hagiographical literature ensures that the Christian saint will preoccupy scholars for the indefinite future, if only as the unwitting patron of a mass of historical and sociological data that is only just beginning to be analysed. Yet this is poor excuse for neglecting the pagan holy man, who came in the later Roman empire to play a conspicuous part in his own religious tradition, and also affords instructive points of comparison with his Christian competitors. This paper offers a first orientation towards such wider perspectives, by investigating the social and historical consequences entailed by the distinctive pagan concept of personal holiness. It will be suggested that a tendency to associate holiness with philosophical learning (Section I) determined the essentially urban (II) and privileged (III) background of the pagan holy man, and also encouraged his gradual drift to the periphery of society (IV).

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Hellenic Studies , Volume 102 , November 1982 , pp. 33 - 59
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1982

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References

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64 Ibid. vi 4.7, vii 1.10. That Maximos was a native of Ephesos is explicitly stated, not by Eunapios, but by Amm. Marc, xxix 1.42.

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66 Lucian, , Epigr. 43Google Scholar; Philostratos, , VA i 7Google Scholar, VS 594. Eusebios, , VC iv 43.4Google Scholar, and Basil, epp. 74.3, 76, are more generous, the former with reference though to Christian learning, and the latter involved in special pleading.

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69 I.e. between Julian's departure for Ephesos and his elevation to the rank of Caesar: Eunapios, , VP vii 3.6Google Scholar.

70 Ibid. vi 1.5–6, 10.10; viii 1.1–2.

71 In this respect, the careers of Iamblichos' pupils Dexippos and the younger Sopatros (see PLRE i, s.vv. Dexippus 1, Sopater 2) are suggestive. Dexippos had a number of pupils (in Cat. 4.13–14 Busse), though it cannot be proved that he taught in Apamea.

72 Eunapios, , VP vii 1.14, 2.12–13Google Scholar.

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75 Ibid. x 8.3; xxiii 1.1; 4.4; 6.3, 8. Note also the reference at xxiii 4.3 to learned circles in Sardis.

76 Ibid. xxiv 1–2.

77 On the (at present uneven) evidence for intellectual life in the cities of western Asia Minor, see Bowersock, G. W., Greek sophists in the Roman empire (Oxford 1969) 17–29Google Scholar; Habicht (n. 67) 150–1; and Nutton, V., ‘L. Gellius Maximus, physician and procurator’, CQ xxi (1971) 263–5Google Scholar. On paganism in Ephesos, see Foss, C., Ephesus after Antiquity: a Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge 1979) 30–2Google Scholar; and in Sardis, id., Byzantine and Turkish Sardis (Cambridge, Mass. 1976) 28–9.

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81 Cf. Millar, F., ‘P. Herennius Dexippus: the Greek world and the third-century invasions’, JRS Iix (1969) 12–29Google Scholar, esp. 16–21, 29; and below.

82 I. Travlos, Πολεοδομικὴ ἐξέλιξις τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν (Athens 1960) 136–46; id., ῾Χριστιανικαὶ ᾿Αθῆναι᾿ Θρησκευτικὴ καὶ ἠθικὴ ἐγκυκλοπαιδεία i (Athens 1962) 721–32, esp. 730–1; Frantz, A., ‘From paganism to Christianity in the temples of Athens’ in Dumbarton Oaks Papers xix (1965) 185–205CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Travlos's dating of the earliest Athenian basilicas to the fifth century is now regarded as optimistic. (I am indebted to Professor D. Pallas and Dr J. Binder for discussing the archaeology of early Christian Athens with me.)

83 Themistios, or. xxvii 336c–337c. For negative comments on the intellectual atmosphere of fourthcentury Athens, see Libanios, or. i 17, 23 (and Eunapios, , VP xvi 1.6Google Scholar), ep. 742.1; Gregory of Nazianzos, or. xliii 18 (recording Basil's disillusion); Synesios, epp. 56, 136.

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87 Ibid. 17–18.

88 Julian, ep. 12. On Iamblichos' criticism of Theodore, see Deuse, W., Theodoros von Asine: Sammlung der Testimonien und Kommentar (Wiesbaden 1973) 1Google Scholar; 62 n. 53.

89 See the passage quoted at the beginning of this article.

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91 Ibid. 12–20.

92 Themistios, or. xxiii 295b–296a: θεραπεύων δὲ οὐ τὴν νέαν ᾡδήν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πάτριον καὶ ἀρχαίαν τῆς ᾿Ακαδημίας καὶ τοῦ Λυκείου. Cf. or. xxxiv 12: οὐδὲ . . .τὴν ἐν ταῖς γωνίαις φιλοσοφίαν (Neoplatonism: see below, p. 56) εἱλόμην . . . ἀλλ᾿ ἀρχαίαν μελέτην. Iamblichos' third Greek pupil, Euphrasios (Eunapios, , VP v 1.5Google Scholar), of whom nothing further is known, should perhaps be identified with the anonymous of Sikyon.

93 Ibid. viii 1.10.

94 The most elaborate version of this misconception is Evrard, E., ‘Le maître de Plutarque d'Athènes et les origines du néoplatonisme Athénien’, AntClass xxix (1960) 108–33, 301–406Google Scholar, who omits even to mention the presence in Athens of the younger Iamblichos (on whom see below).

95 Marinos, , Procl. 10Google Scholar. Proklos was aged twenty when he arrived in Athens, and had been born either in 410 or 412 (see Evrard, E., ‘La date de la naissance de Proclus le neoplatonicien’, AntClass xxix [1960] 137–41Google Scholar).

96 See Damaskios, , Isid. 151Google Scholar (EP): δεδιὼς δ᾿ ὁ Πρόκλος περὶ τῇ Πλάτωνος χρυσῇ τῷ ὄντι σειρᾷ, μὴ ἡμῖν ἀπολίπῃ τὴν πόλιν τὴν πόλιν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς; and Cf. 227–8, 230.

97 Marinos, , Procl. 11 (trans. Rosán, )Google Scholar.

98 Ibid. 30–3, 36.

99 Ibid. 36 (trans. Rosán, with modifications).

100 See Meyerhof, M., ‘Von Alexandrien nach Bagdad. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des philosophischen und medizinischen Unterrichts bei den Arabern’, Sb. der preuss. Akad. der Wiss., Phil.-hist. Kl. (1930) 389–429Google Scholar; and, for a general account of the relationship between Athenian and Alexandrian Neoplatonism, Marrou, H. I., ‘Synesius of Cyrene and Alexandrian Neoplatonism’ in Momigliano, A., ed., The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford 1963) 126–50Google Scholar.

101 Amm. Marc, xxii 16.17–18; Expos, tot. mundi 37; Julian, ep. 58. Cf. Robert, L., ‘Hellenica’, RPh xiii (1939) 173 n. 3Google Scholar.

102 See Westerink, L. G., Anonymous Prolegomena to Platonic Philosophy (Amsterdam 1962) ix–xxxiiGoogle Scholar; also Saffrey, H.-D., ‘Le chrétien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'école d'Alexandrie au IVe siècle’, REG lxvii (1954) 396–410CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 See, e.g., Cameron (n. 3) 9: ‘While the odd pagan professors might continue to be tolerated in Alexandria, they were not overtly anti-Christian in the way the Athenians were…. The Alexandrians concerned themselves largely (if not exclusively) with Aristotle, thus to some extent steering clear of the sinister [!] religious and theosophical speculations of late neoplatonism.’ Although each statement is blurred by qualification, the impression left is that the Iamblichan holy man was virtually unknown in Alexandria. Even Hadot, I., Le problème du néoplatonisme alexandrin: Hiéroclès et Simplicius (Paris 1978)Google Scholar, who specifically argues for the presence of a Iamblichan element in fifth- and sixth-century Alexandrian philosophy, wholly ignores the evidence discussed below. But see Rémondon, R., ‘L'Égypte et la suprême résistance au Christianisme (Ve–VIIe siècles)’, BIFAO li (1952) 63–7Google Scholar.

104 Cf. PLRE ii, s.v. Damascius 2.

105 On Heraiskos and Asklepiades see especially Damaskios, , Isid. 107Google Scholar (EP), frr. 160–4, 174; id., De princ. i 324 (Ruelle). We owe the reconstitution of this family to Maspero, J., ‘Horapollon et la fin du paganisme égyptien’, BIFAO xi (1914) 163–95Google Scholar. For the basic biographies of its members, and of other figures mentioned in the following paragraphs, see PLRE ii, s.vv.

106 Cf. Cameron, Alan, ‘Wandering poets: a literary movement in Byzantine Egypt’, Historia xiv (1965) 470–509Google Scholar.

107 P. Cair. Masp. 67295.I.13–17 = Maspero (n. 105) 165–6.

108 See Marinos, , Procl. 19, 36Google Scholar.

109 Damaskios, , Isid.fr. 161Google Scholar: ὁ δ᾿ ἕτερος [Asklepiades] ὅμως τῆς τοῦ ἑτέρου [Heraiskos] κατὰ πολὺ ἐλείπετο φύσεως ἤ ἐπιστήμης.

110 Ibid. 97–102 (EP) offers suggestive parallels with Horapollon's Hieroglyphica.

111 See n. 193.

112 Damaskios, , Isid.fr. 317Google Scholar.

113 See, e.g. ibid.fr. 138; Zacharias Scholastikos, Vita Severi (ed. Kugener, M.-A., PO ii 7–115Google Scholar) pp. 16, 22.

114 Damaskios, , Isid. 243Google Scholar (EP)=fr. 80.

115 Ibid. 8, 11–17, 28 (EP). Note the reserved tone of (e.g.) 13, 30 (EP).

116 Zach. Schol., Sev. p. 22Google Scholar.

117 Damaskios, , Isid.frr. 34, 41, 287Google Scholar.

118 References in PLRE ii, s.v. Asclepiodotus 3; and cf. below.

119 Zach. Schol., Sev. pp. 16–17Google Scholar.

119a See Marinos, , Procl. 15Google Scholar.

120 On paganism in fifth-century Aphrodisias see (apart from the references listed by PLRE ii, loc. cit.) Damaskios, , Isid.fr. 222Google Scholar (on Hilarios); Zach. Schol., Sev. pp. 14, 36-7, 39–44Google Scholar; Cormack, R., ‘The classical tradition in the Byzantine provincial city: the evidence of Thessalonike and Aphrodisias’ in Mullett, M. and Scott, R., eds, Byzantium and the classical tradition. Univ. of Birmingham Thirteenth Spring Symposium of Byz. Stud.1979 (Birmingham 1981) 108–10Google Scholar. With Damaskios'reference to paganism in nearby Lydia, Cf. Proklos' visit to that region (Marinos, loc. cit.).

121 Augustine, , Civ. Dei x 27Google Scholar. Cf. Diod., Sic. ii 29.5Google Scholar; Apuleius, , Flor. 20Google Scholar; Philostratos, , VA vi 36Google Scholar.

122 See Petit, P., Libanius et la vie munkipale à Antioche au IVe siecle apres J.-C. (Paris 1955) 359–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

123 Porph., , Abst. i 27.1Google Scholar; and Cf. Origen, , Cels. 6.1–2Google Scholar; Lactantius, , Inst. iii 25Google Scholar; Symmachus, Rel. 5.1 (‘Inter praecipua negotiorum saepe curatum est, ut erudiendis nobilibus praeceptores ex Attica poscerentur’).

124 Eunapios, , VP x 3.3–7Google Scholar.

125 See, e.g., Themistios, or. xxi 248a–250b. Eunapios pointedly describes one of his bêtes noires, Ablabios (who encompassed the downfall and death of Sopatros), as of γένος . . .ἀδοξότατον, καὶ τὰ ἐκ πατέρων τοῦ μετρίου καὶ φαύλου ταπεινότερα (vi 3.1); and Cf. Amm. Marc, xxix 2.22 on Festus, ‘ultimi sanguinis et ignoti’, who killed Maximos of Ephesos. Julian found it necessary to warn against mistaking accidents of birth for true virtue: or. iii 81a, 82bc, 83a–84a.

126 We know almost nothing about the social background of the third-century Neoplatonists. The idea that Ammonios was called Σακκᾶς because he used to carry sacks of wheat is unattested before the late and unsympathetic Christian writer Theodoretos of Kyrrhos, , Affect. 6.60Google Scholar. Harder, R., ‘Zur Biographie Plotins’ in Kl. Schriften (Munich 1960) 280–2Google Scholar, argues that Plotinos' family may have been well-connected, perhaps through commercial dealings, with the Roman senatorial circles in which the philosopher later moved so freely. Eunapios, , VP iv 1.1Google Scholar, observes that Πορ- φυρίῳ . . . πατέρες δὲ οὐκ ἄσημοι.

127 Ibid. v I. I (κατὰ γένος μὲν ἐπιφανὴς καὶ τῶν ἁβρῶν καὶ τῶν εὐδαιμόνων), 12 (προάστεια); v 3.4 (Alypios). It has been suggested that a building richly decorated with mosaics with philosophical themes and recently excavated at Apamea may have been connected with Iamblichos' school (though probably some decades after the death of the Master himself): Baity, J. and Baity, J. C., ‘Julien et Apamée; aspects de la restauration de l'hellenisme et de la politique antichretienne de l'empereur’, DialHistAnc i (1974) 267–304Google Scholar.

128 Damaskios ap. Phot., , Bibl. 181.126aGoogle Scholar, refers to Σαμψιγέραμος . . . καὶ Μόνιμος , εἰς οὕς ἀνάγεται καὶ ᾿Ιάμβλιχος. Syrian epigraphy attests the names Sampsigeramos, Monimos and Iamblichos mainly, though not quite exclusively, in the Emesa region; and the names Sampsigeramos and Iamblichos, and perhaps Monimos too, all occur in the princely house of Emesa (see Chad, C., Les dynastes d'Emèse [Beirut 1972] 93–9, 133–45Google Scholar). That the philosopher Iamblichos, although a native of Chalkis, was related to this house, seems not unlikely. It is especially beguiling to speculate on the possibility of a connection between Damaskios' Sampsi- geramos, ἀνὴρ τὰ πρῶτα τῆς εἰδωλολατρούσης ἀσεβείας ἀπενεγκάμενος (Photios' words), and Sampsigeramos of Emesa, priest of Aphrodite, who defended his city against Persian attack in 253 (Malalas, John, Chron. xii 296–7Google Scholar). For the date, and the possibility that Sampsigeramos was identical with the usurping emperor Uranius Antoninus, see Baldus, H. R., Uranius Antoninus. Münzprägung und Geschichte (Bonn 1971) 229–69Google Scholar, and Rey-Coquais, J.-P., ‘Syrie romaine, de Pompée à Dioclétien’,JRS lxviii (1978) 57–8Google Scholar. For other interpretations of the passage from Damaskios, see Dillon, , Iamblichi…fragmenta 4–5Google Scholar, and PLRE ii, s.v. Theodora 6.

129 Eunapios, , VP vi 1.1Google Scholar (Αἰδέσιος . . .ἦν δὲ τῶν εὖ γεγονότων εἰς ἄκρον), vi 6.6 (Sosipatra πατέρων δὲ ἦν καὶ γένους εὐδαίμονός τε καὶ ὀλβίου), vii 1.4 (Maximos ἦν . . .τῶν εὖ γεγονότων). On their economic background, see Ibid. vi 1.1, 4.6 (Aidesios), vi 6.7, 9.1 (Sosipatra), vii 1.4 (Maximos). Cf. also Lactantius', reference, Inst. v 2.3Google Scholar, to a rich and avaricious—but unfortunately anonymous—philosopher of Nicomedia.

130 Eunapios, , VP xxiii 1.3Google Scholar. Another Iamblichan known to have been of curial rank was the younger Sopatros (PLRE i, Sopater 2).

131 Plutarch: PLRE i, s.v. Plutarchus 5. Proklos: Marinos, , Procl. 6Google Scholar. On their wealth, see below.

132 Damaskios, , Isid. frr. 222, 351Google Scholar.

133 Ibid. 119, 160 (EP); frr. 98, 189.

134 Brown, P., ‘The rise and function of the holy man in late antiquity’, JRS lxi (1971) 94–5Google Scholar, esp. n. 182, quoting Apophth. Patr., Arsenios 5 (PG lxv 89aGoogle Scholar): ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων πόνων ἐκτήσαντο τὰς ἀρετάς.

135 Zosimos iv 18 (with F. Paschoud's nn. ad loc.).

136 Marinos, , Procl. 28Google Scholar.

137 Libanios, orr. xv 71, xviii 177.

138 Eunapios, , VP v 1.12Google Scholar. Cf. Philostratos, , VA vii 38Google Scholar: when the imprisoned Apollonios breaks his fetters, τότε πρῶτον ὁ Δάμις φησὶν ἀκριβῶς ξυνεῖναι τῆς ᾿Απολλωνίου φύσεως, ὅτι θεία τε εἴη καὶ κρείττων ἀνθρώπου, μὴ γὰρ θύσαντα, . . .μηδ᾿ εὐξάμενόν τι μηδὲ εἰπόντα καταγελάσαι τοῦ δεσμοῦ….

139 See, e.g., Athanasios, , V. Anton. 38, 49, 56, 58Google Scholar.

140 E.g. Philostratos, loc. cit.; Porph., , Plot. 10Google Scholar (manifestation of Plotinos' personal daimon); Eunapios, , VP v 1.12–2.9Google Scholar, vi 11.11.

141 Themistios, orr. xvii 214b, xxxi 352cd, xxxiv 29.

142 Ps.-Julian, ep. 184.417d–418a. It is also possible that Sopatros undertook his journey in a private capacity, as Iamblichos' representative, to encourage Licinius to resist Constantine's pro–Christian policies: Cf. Barnes (n. 55) 99–106.

143 Eunapios, , VP vii 3.14–15Google Scholar.

144 Julian, ep. 30.

145 Lacombrade, C., Synésios de Cyrène, hellène et chrétien (Paris 1951) 84–130Google Scholar. (For an example of a holy man involved in an imperial embassy, see Eunapios, , VP vi 5Google Scholar, on Eustathios at the Persian court.)

146 Cameron, Alan, ‘Iamblichus at Athens, Athenaeum xlv (1967) 143–53Google Scholar.

147 IG ii/iii 23818Google Scholar; Blumenthal, , Byzantion xlviii (1978) 373–5Google Scholar. On Neoplatonist support for the Panathenaia, Cf. also Damaskios, , Isid. fr. 273Google Scholar.

148 Marinos, , Procl. 14Google Scholar.

149 Damaskios, , Isid. fr. 189Google Scholar.

150 Marrou, H.-I., Histoire de l'éducation dans l'antiquite7 (Paris 1971) 439–42Google Scholar; Parsons, P. J., ‘The grammarian's complaint’ in Hanson, A. E., ed., Collectanea papyrologica: texts published in honor of H. C. Youtie ii (Bonn 1976) 409–46Google Scholar.

151 Dion Kassios lxxi 31.3; Lucian, , Eun. 3Google Scholar; Philostratos, , VS 566–7Google Scholar. For the date, see Arnim, H. v., RE i 2301Google Scholar; Oliver, J. H., Marcus Aurelius. Aspects of Civic and Cultural Policy in the East, Hesp. suppl. xiii (Princeton 1970) 80–4Google Scholar; and cf. id., ‘Marcus Aurelius and the philosophical schools at Athens’, AJP cii (1981) 213–25.

152 Cameron, Alan, ‘The end of the ancient universities’, Cah. d'hist. mon. x (1967) 658Google Scholar. On the particularly controversial case of fifth-century Alexandria, see Hadot (n. 103) 11.

153 I doubt now whether there is sufficient evidence to justify my own suggestion (art. cit. n. 38) 377, that Aidesios, and perhaps Sosipatra too, held official chairs at Pergamon.

154 On the origin of these immunities, see Bowersock (n. 77) 30–42, qualified by Griffin's, M. review, JRS lxi (1971) 279–80Google Scholar. Cf. also Nutton, V., JRS lxi (1971) 52–63Google Scholar.

155 Dig. xxvii 1.6.7Google Scholar (Antoninus Pius); Dion Kassios lxxviii 7.3 (Caracalla); Dig. l 5.8.4. (Papinian), 13.1.4 (Ulpian); Fragmenta Iuris Romani Vaticana (ed. Seckel, E. and Kuebler, B., Iurisprudentiae anteiustinianae reliquiae6 ii. 2 [Leipzig 1927]) 149Google Scholar; Cod. Just. x 42.6Google Scholar (Diocletian and Maximian); Cod. Theod. xiii 3.7Google Scholar (Valentinian and Valens). But Valentinian's edict allows for some exceptions; and the survival of philosophical immunities is confirmed by PLips. 47, Symmachus, , Rel. 5.3Google Scholar, and Cod. Theod. xiii 3.16.Google Scholar

156 Plotinos and Iamblichos probably taught in their own homes (Porph., , Plot. 9Google Scholar; Eunapios, , VP v 1.12Google Scholar); Sosipatra certainly did (ibid. vi 9.2). The Athenian sophists all taught in their private theatres, because of the hostility of the townspeople: ibid. ix 1.6.

157 Suda γ166: διὰ μέσου τοῦ ἄστεος ποιουμένη τάς προόδους ἐξηγεῖτο δημοσίᾳ τοῖς ἀκροᾶσθαι βουλομένοις.

158 Marinos, , Procl. 29Google Scholarad fin.

159 Ibid. 16.

160 Philostratos, , VA i 16Google Scholar, iv 19.

161 Marinos, , Procl. 15Google Scholar.

162 Porph., , Plot. 10.33–8Google Scholar (ἐκείνους δεῖ πρὸς ἐμὲ ἔρχεσθαι, οὐκ ἐμὲ πρὸς ἐκείνους). Implicit in this remark is the commonplace distinction between God and the daimons: cf. e.g. Zosimos of Panopolis, Τελευταία ἀποχή 8 (ed. Festugière, A. J., La révélation d'Hermès Trismégiste2 i [Paris 1950] 367Google Scholar) (μὴ περιρρέμβουο ζντοῦσα θεόν, ἀλλ᾿ οἴκαδε καθέζου, καὶ θεὶς ἥξει πρὸς σὲ ὁ πανταχοῦ ῶν καὶ οὐκ ἐν τόπῳ ἐλαχίστῳ ὡς τὰ δαιμόνια); also Damaskios, , Isid. 38Google Scholar (EP), on Isidore, οὔτε τὰ ἀγάλματα προσκυνεῖν ἐθέλων.

163 Cf. Porph., , Abst. ii 49.1Google Scholar (ὁ φιλόσοφος καὶ θεοῦ τοῦ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἱερεύς), Marc. 16 (μόνος οὖν ἱερεὺς ὁ σοϕός).

164 Eunapios, , VP v 1.6–8, 12Google Scholar.

165 Marinos, , Procl. 19 (trans. Rosán, )Google Scholar.

166 Eunapios, , VP vi 9.1, 15–17Google Scholar; vi 10.6–11.12.

167 Ibid. vii 4.9, xxiii 2.7–9 (Chrysanthios); vii 4.7, 12 (Priskos).

168 Ibid. vii 4.13–6.7.

169 Marinos, , Procl. 14–15, 23, 29Google Scholar; Saffrey, H.-D., ‘Allusions antichrétiennes chez Proclus: le diadoque platonicien’, RSPh lix (1975) 553–63Google Scholar.

170 Damaskios, , Isid. 277Google Scholar (EP)= fr. 266.

171 Ibid.fr. 351.

172 Ibid.frr. 313–14, 317, 334.

173 Schol., Zach., Sev. pp. 15–35Google Scholar.

174 Plotinos i 2.1–3, i 4.15.21–5, iv 7.10.25.

175 Ibid. iii 2.15.43–53 (trans. S. MacKenna), and cf. ii 9.9.1–11, and Porph., , Plot. 7.19–21, 31–46Google Scholar.

176 See, e.g., Damaskios, , Isid. 95Google Scholar (EP).

177 Eunapios, , VP viii 1.5–7Google Scholar.

178 Ibid. viii 1.8, xxiii 3.12.

179 Amm. Marc, xxii 7.3–4; Mamertinus, , Grat. act. 28Google Scholar; Libanios, , or. i 129Google Scholar.

180 This point of view was expressed, not just by pagan critics (see below), but, as one might expect, by Christians too: cf. Arnobius' portrait of the viri novi, Adv. nat. ii 15–63Google Scholar; Augustine, , Conf. vii 9.13Google Scholar; Magnes, Makarios, Apocr. passim. esp. ii 12Google Scholar, iii proem., iv 25. The topos even reappears in the portrait of Iamblichos (Malīkhā) drawn by the Persian poet Niẓāmī (d. 1202–1203), Haft Paikar 198 ff. (Dūstgardī 19552; trans. C. E. Wilson [London 1924] 157 ff.).

181 Damaskios, , Isid. 34 (EP)Google Scholar. On Iamblichos' ‘vaingloriousness’, see also Julian, ep. 12. But contrast Eunapios, , VP v 1.6Google Scholar: τὴν μὲν δίαιταν ὤν εὔκολος σαὶ ἀρχαῖος.

182 Ibid. vi 2.1.

183 Ibid. viii 1.9.

184 Eunapios, , Hist. fr. 19Google Scholar.

185 Eunapios, , VP vi 9.5, 8Google Scholar; vii 4.2.

186 Ibid. vii 4.9.

187 Amm. Marc, xxiii 5.10–11, 14 (trans. J. C. Rolfe).

188 PLRE i, s.vv., and the table in Fowden, , ‘Pagan philosophers’ (n. 38) 197Google Scholar. Cf. on similar circles Schissel, O., ‘Die Familie des Minukianos. Ein Beitrag zur Personenkunde des neuplatonischen Athen’, Klio xxi (1927) 361–73Google Scholar, and Maspero (n. 105) 163–95, on the Alexandrian family of Heraiskos and Asklepiades, discussed above.

189 POxy. 3069 (trans. P. J. Parsons). Sarapion is described as a ϕιλόσοϕος in the address on the verso. The phrase καὶ ἐν τοιούψος ὤν πράγμασιν is perhaps a reference to Christian pressures. Parsons suggests a date in the third or fourth century.

190 Plotinos ii 9.9.26–32, 52–60.

191 Themistios, or. xxviii 342bc.

192 Eunapios, , VP vi 1.5–6Google Scholar.

193 Ibid. viii 1.1–2 (trans. W. C. Wright, with modifications). Cf. Damaskios, , Isid. frr. 60Google Scholar, on Isidore: ἐχέμυθος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα καὶ κρυψίνους ἦν; and 317, on Horapollon: οὐκ ἦν τὸ ἦθος φιλόσοφος, ἀλλά τι καὶ ἐν βυθῷ τῆς περὶ θεοῦ δόξης ὦν ᾔδει ἀποκρυπτόμενος.

194 Strabo xvii 1.29.

195 Themistios, or. xxviii 341d; and cf. xxxiv 12: οὐδὲ . . .τὴν ἐν ταῖς γωνίαις φιλοσοφίαν εἱλόμην. . .. Some Neoplatonists agreed: Damaskios, , Isid. 296Google Scholar (EP) = fr. 324: οἱ ἐν γωνίᾳ καθήμενοι λόγιοι καὶ πολλὰ φιλοσοφοῦντες εὖ μάλα σεμνῶς περὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ σωφροσύνης, ἐκβαίνειν ἐπὶ τὰς πράξεις ἀναγκαζόμενοι δεινὰ ἀσχημονοῦσιν.

196 On ἡσυχία–ἐρημία–ἀναχώρησις see Wilhelm, F., ‘Plutarchos ΠΕΡΙ ΗΣΥΧΙΑΣ (Stob. IV 16, 18 p. 398 f. H.)’, RhM lxxiii (1920–1924) 466–82Google Scholar; Festugière, A. J., Personal Religion Among the Greeks (Berkeley 1954) 53–65Google Scholar. (An important text missed by both writers is Justin, , Dial. 3.1–2.Google Scholar) On Pythagoras, see Porph., , VP 9, 32Google Scholar; Abst. i 36.1; Iamblichos, , VP 5.27Google Scholar; and on the Pythagorean inclination towards ἡσυχία, Lucian, , Vit. auct. 3Google Scholar; Diog. Laert. viii 7, ix 21. Pythagoras' imitator, Apollonios of Tyana, sought out ἡσυχία… πρόσφορος τῷ φιλοσοφήσοντι (Philostratos, , VA i 7Google Scholar), but condemned ἀναχώρησις as betraying a superficial understanding of the spiritual life (ibid. ii 5).

197 Libanios, ep. 793.3. But cf. Libanios' letter to the younger Iamblichos, quoted below; and n. 203.

198 Porph., , Plot. 12.3–12, esp. 8–9Google Scholar: ἐκεῖ τε αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν ἐταίρων ἀναχωρήσειν ὑπισχνεῖτο.

199 Ibid. 2.17–20, 7.22–3; Maternus, Firmicus, Math. i 7.15Google Scholar.

200 Porph., , Abst. i 36.1Google Scholar.

201 Eunapios, , VP v 1.6–10Google Scholar.

202 Ibid. vi 4. Cf. Julian, , ad Ath. 271dGoogle Scholar, on his brother Gallus: εἴ τι περὶ τὸν τρόπον ἅγριον καὶ τραχὺ τὸν ἐκείνου κατεφάνη, τοῦτο ἐκ τῆς ὀρείου τροφῆς (at Makellon in Kappadokia) συνηυξήθη.

203 Libanios, ep. 1466.2–4; cf. Comp. x 5.22Google Scholar (εἰ δὲ βελτίους αἱ πόλεις, οὐκ ἄν ἐν ῾Ελικῶνι καὶ Πιερίᾳ τὰς Μούσας διατρίβειν ἠκούομεν, ἀλλ᾿ ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις τῶν πόλεων).

204 See above, p. 47.

205 Julian, ep. 4.

206 Id., ep. 89b.288b.

207 Synesios, epp. 101, 148; and cf. Hymni 1.51–71. See also PKöln inv. 4533 verso (a petition from the scholasticus Ammon of Panopolis, A.D. 348) 9–10: ἡσυχίαν τοίνυν ἀπράγμονα τοῖς ἐν φιλοσοφιᾳ καὶ λόγοις ἀνηγμένοις πρέπειν καὶ αὐτός ἐπιστάμενος (quoted Browne, G. M., ‘Harpocration Panegyrista’, Ill. Class. Stud. ii [1977] 193Google Scholar).

208 See André, J.-M., L'otium dans la vie morale et intellectuelle romaine, des origines à l'époque augustéenne (Paris 1966)Google Scholar; Nisbet, R. G. M. and Hubbard, M., A commentary on Horace: Odes, Book II (Oxford 1978) 252–71Google Scholar (I owe these references to Professor D. R. Shackleton Bailey.)

209 Dem. Const. 20a ( = Schenkl, H., Downey, G., Norman, A. F., Themistii orationes quae supersunt iii [Leipzig 1974] 124)Google Scholar.

210 Eunapios, , VP vi 1.5Google Scholar, 10.10; and cf. viii 1.2 on Priskos.

211 Julian, ep. 26.4153b; Libanios, or. xv 50.

212 Libanios, or. 18.19; Aram. Marc. xxii 5.1; and cf. Julian, ep. 33. See also above, n. 189.

213 Julian, ad Them. passim.

214 Exceptions are the Riot of the Statues at Antioch in 387 (Chrysostom, John, Stat. 17.2Google Scholar = PG xlix 173–4Google Scholar), and the defence of the Alexandrian Sarapieion by Olympios c. 391 (Sozomen, , HE vii 15.6, 9Google Scholar; Suda O218 = Damaskios, , Isid. frr. 91–2, 94, 97Google Scholar).

215 Marinos, , Procl. 30Google Scholar. τὰ ἀκίνητα κινεῖν was proverbial: see Leutsch-Schneidewin, Corp. Paroem. Gr., indices s.v.

216 Od. xvii 485–6Google Scholar; cf. Eunapios, , VP vi 7.7Google Scholar.