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Documents from Phrygia and Cyprus
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 December 2013
Extract
The following inscriptions, one from the realm of the Attalid kings, the other from that of the Ptolemies, came to light last year. Both are city decrees issued in the second century B.C., and affinity in date, if not in matter, seems to justify their being here published together.
I. Decree from Apamea-ad-Maeandrum
Dinar. Two fragments of a marble stele excavated in 1934 near the ‘Therma’ spring (Ramsay, C.B. p. 401), soon afterwards copied, photographed and measured by W. M. Calder. At the top a plain moulding; broken at base and on both sides, no part of edges preserved; h. 0·39 m., w. 0·37 m., th. 0·08–0·10 m.; letters 0·007 to 0·0125 m.
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- Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1935
References
1 For the photograph, for the use of his excellent squeezes and for kind advice and criticism I am much indebted to Professor Calder. Engraver's errors: ll. 5, 16, 1 omitted; l. 13, E for H.
2 For their help I wish warmly to thank Dr. W. W. Tarn, Mr. M. N. Tod and M. Louis Robert. The supplements to ll. 5, 7 fin., 9,14–16 init. are by Robert, those to 6, 7 init., 8, 13, by Calder.
3 Robert supplies these parallels: OGI. 763. 68 (letter of Eumenes II): ; Welles, Royal Corr. 50. 21 (letter of same): ; Milet, i, 3, 150. 13: ; OGI. 326. 28 (decree of Attalistae): ; Welles, ibid. 9. 4:
4 Cf. LBW. 407. 14 ( = CIG. 2693. d): , where the verb is followed by a noun in the accusative denoting virtues displayed; this cannot here have been the construction since the nouns in l. 8 go with προσφερόμενος.
5 Cf. I.v. Priene 42. 14: ; SEG. ii, 663. 4: .
6 In a third century text from Halicarnassus (OJ. xi, 1908, p. 57, no. 2, 23–26) the lending without interest of 3000 dr. is treated as equivalent to the giving outright of 500 dr. For gifts in the form of loans, cf. Kuenzi, A., ΕΠΙΔΟΣΙΣ, p. 66Google Scholar.
7 Cf. Tod, comment, JHS. liv, 1934, p. 148Google Scholar; also IG. ix, 2, 1104. 13: IG. v, i, 962. 12: .
8 Robert, L. cites Istros, i, 1934, p. 123Google Scholar, ll. 15f.: .
9 Niese, B., Gesch. d. gr. u. mak. St., ii, p. 627 f.Google Scholar
10 Ibid. iii, p. 204.
11 Ibid. iii, pp. 70–73.
12 Ibid. iii, pp. 74–77.
13 Ibid. iii, p. 92; I.v. Perg. 160.
14 Ibid. iii, pp. 119, 122, 148 f.
15 Ibid. iii, pp. 199–202.
16 Cf. Sittig, E., de Gr. nom. theophoris (1911), p. 134Google Scholar; BMC. Phrygia, pp. 77, 82.
17 Hitherto the earliest Apamean inscriptions have been those incorporated in OGI. 458 (about 9 B.C.).
18 It was shewn to me through the kindness of Mr.Rupert Gunnis. For understanding it I owe much to M. L. Robert and to Dr. H. Idris Bell.
19 The present state of the text is as follows: L. 1, two tips seeming like base of A, a vertical stroke, 3 mm. high; l. 2, base of E or Σ, lower hook of Σ, AI; l. 3, a vertical stroke 3 mm. high, AP etc.; l. 4, a vertical stroke 5 mm. high, T with l. bar missing, EK etc.; l. 5, base of E or Σ, Ω. with l. side of upper curve missing, ΣΚ etc.; l. 6, base of E or Σ, bases of ΚΑ, ΙΣ; etc.; l. 7, base of E or Σ, lower halves of Ω and Ι and Σ, base and r. tip of Τ, ΕΦ etc.
20 Strack, , Rh. M. lv, 1900, p. 183 ff.Google Scholar, gives the Ptolemaic titles of rank, which were not introduced till about 180 B.C., as follows:
1. συγγενής; 2. ; 3. ; 4. ; 5. τῶν φὶλων; 6. τῶν διαςόχων.
In Arch. f. Papfg. v, p. 160, no. 5, there appears another grade, , to be inserted above between 4 and 5. I have to thank M. Louis Robert for pointing out the titulature in ll. 3–6 and its bearing on ἀφετῶν.
21 With (ll. 4–5), cf. OGI. 148: ; OGI. 165. 2: , and, for (l. 5), cf. OGI. 113, of Citium, where the title is equivalent to that of ἐπιστάτης; LBW. 2756, of Salamis. In OGI. 128 (of 146–16 B.C.) an official combines the duties of city ἐπιστάτης and of quartermaster, .
22 For instances of this use of πρός in connexion with official duties, cf. P. Berl. 992, i, 10: ; OGI. 189: ; P. Eleph. 10. 4: ; P. Berl. 231. 5: ; PSI. 438. 5: ; OGI. 51. 27: .
23 The passage of Polybius (v, 99, 7) from which this adjective is borrowed illustrates the importance of artillery in any siege from the third century B.C. onward. At Thebes (213 B.C.) 150 catapults and 25 stone-throwers were needed, and, as in Caesar's siege of Massilia (B.C. ii, 2, 1), the defenders were no doubt also well equipped.
24 JHS. liv, 1934, p. 152Google Scholar, note 58.
25 For the distinction between πρεσβύτεροι and νεώτεροι (ll. 11, 13), cf. the same titles applied to epheboi Syll. 3 959. 13–14, and the of OGI. 140, whose name implies tha t there were also .
26 That ἀφέτης meant a trained ‘gunner’ is evident from Polyb. iv, 56, 3: ; such stone-guns would have been useless without their ἀφέται. As one of the important ephebic instructors at Athens, the ἀφέτης is regularly mentioned in Athenian decrees of our period; cf. IG. ii, 2 1007; 1008. 40, 131; 1009. 22; 1011. 28, 60, 120; 1028. 53, 155 (references supplied by L. Robert).
27 Cf. Ziebarth, , Gr. Vereinswesen, pp. 118, 122Google Scholar, and the list of military koina in Meyer, P. M., Heerwesen d. Ptol. p. 92 f.Google ScholarBouché-Leclercq, (Hist. d. Lagides, iii, 173)Google Scholar calls them ‘confréries militaires’; see also Lesquier, , Les institutions militaires de l'Egypte, pp. 124 142Google Scholar.
28 For the usual meaning of οἱ νέμοντες in connexion with an association, cf. Dittenberger's OGI. 50, note 2, and Preisigke SB. 983. 5, 4321. 2. There it means the participation in a club of the ‘amateur’ outsider; here it means that the unskilled ‘private’ is a member of the official military corps.
29 The term τάγμα, like the phrase οἱ τασσόμενοι so frequent in Cyprus at our period, means a body of soldiers; in P. Rein. 14. 31 it is translated ‘regiment,’ by Lesquier (op. cit. p. 93) ‘detachement.’
30 Especially the theta, pi and sigma.
31 Cf. IBM. 970 ( = OGI. 257), of about 110 B.C., and 1066 ( = OGI. 168, with Add., ii, p. 545 f.) of 117 B.C. Our script closely resembles that of JHS. ix, 1888, p. 229, no. 12Google Scholar, which may be of 141–132 B.C. or of 127–11 7 B.C. (data from squeeze taken at the temple, 1934).
32 See the summary of Egyptian history, 145–101 B.C. by Cary, M., CAH. ix, pp. 383–387Google Scholar, and, for a fuller account, Bevan, E., Hist. of Egypt (1927), pp. 306–331Google Scholar.
33 Cf. OGI. 143, 145–48, in which Thracian, Ionian, Lycian and Cilician troops are shewn to have been in Cyprus at that period.
34 Cf. OGI. 39. The verb ἀρχιτεκτονεῑν, ‘to construct,’ which Biton applies to artillery, is here used of a ship.
35 See this work, probably of the second century B.C., in Wescher, , Poliorcétique, pp. 45–61Google Scholar, and Dar. Sagl. Dict. s.v. ‘tormenta.’ The Ptolemaic officials, Cleon and Theodoras, ‘architects’ accordin g to Mahaffy's literal version (P. Petrie, ii and iii), were in fact ‘engineers’; cf. E. Bevan, op. cit. p. 117.
36 LBW. 2797 (cf. JHS. ix, 1888, p. 260, n. 11Google Scholar). Since our engineer, like Carpion, evidently held some high post, the two men may have been one and the same.
37 Gesch. d. gr. Vereinswesens, p. 118.
38 The phrase ὑπ αὐτὸν … implies military subordination; cf. OGI. 153: .
39 OGI. 149.
40 The transfer of the naval headquarters from Salamis, where Lesquier places them (op. cit. p. 258), may well have been due to the silting up of that harbour; cf. Oberhummer in P.-W.-K. RE. 2 R. Hbd. ii, 1840. The mouth of the Salamis harbour, narrow in 306 B.C. (Diod xx. 50, 1), may a century later have become unfit for naval use. Strabo (xiv, 6, 3) mentions harbours at Citium, Paphos and Soli, but none at Salamis.
41 See Kalinka's plans and description, TAM. ii, 2, pp. 180–182; Wehrli. RE. Suppbd. v, 555. Though Apollo was worshipped at Paphos (SGDI. 31, 32), nowhere in Cyprus is there evidence of a cult of Leto. In view of this man's origin (l. 3), his national protectress was the Leto of Xanthus and Patara.
42 OGI. 146, 147, 162.
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