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Indios on the move in the sixteenth-century Iberian world*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 October 2015
Abstract
Between 1572 and 1575, a man named Diego litigated for his freedom from slavery in several Spanish courts. Identified as an Indio (Indian), he claimed to have been born in the Spanish territory of Liampo (now Ningbo), China, and later carried on a Spanish ship to Mexico, and eventually to Seville. His master, the cleric Juan de Morales, asserted that he had bought Diego in Portuguese Goa and taken him to Mozambique and to Lisbon before finally bringing him to Seville. At issue was whether Diego was a Portuguese or Spanish imperial subject, since Spanish law strictly prohibited the enslavement of Indios in Spanish territories, while Portuguese laws did not. As witnesses (several of them former slaves from disparate locations including Panama, Lima, Goa, Mozambique, and China) tried to determine Diego’s imperial status, not only did they reveal their comparative fantasies about Portuguese or Spanish landscapes, but they also embedded their own diasporic tales of liminality and loss into Diego’s. Here is the ultimate example of the Indio experience in Castile: an attempt to affix imperial boundaries to a construct that was, in itself, a metaphor for how the rapidly changing globe was imagined, experienced, and compartmentalized. The use of the increasingly amorphous cultural label ‘Indio’ in Castile was symptomatic of tensions between imperial regimes’ desire to constitute and reify themselves as bounded entities and the global mobilities of some of the most marginalized subjects who informed those processes.
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Footnotes
I would like to thank the following institutions and individuals: the Departments of Anthropology and History at Western Washington University; the amazing staff at the John Carter Brown Library and its director, Neil Safier, for their expert guidance during my Inter-Americas, Reed Foundation Fellowship at the John Carter Brown Library during 2014–15; the anonymous readers at the Journal of Global History and its editors; and finally, my colleagues and friends, Kathryn Burns, Amitava Chowdhury, Alan Gallay, Maureen Garvie, James Loucky, Giuseppe Marcocci, Joanne Rappaport, Preston Schiller, and Tatiana Seijas. I also thank Sarah Bell for designing the map.
References
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25 Ibid.
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38 Ibid.
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74 Ibid., im. 198.
75 They would have had access to the previous lawsuit before the Casa but we are not privy to their musings and how lawyers on behalf of complainant and plaintiff devised new strategies.
76 Van Deusen, ‘Seeing Indios’; Joanne Rappaport, ‘Así lo paresçe por su aspeto’.
77 AGI, Justicia 928, no. 8, im. 206, ‘Interrogatory, López de Sarria’, 5 February 1575.
78 AGI, Justicia 928, no. 8, im. 219, ‘Testimony, Francisco Díaz’, 2 February 1575.
79 AGI, Justicia 928, no. 8, im. 231, ‘Testimony Isabel García’.
80 Ibid.
81 Ibid.
82 The reference to ‘the endless globe’ is found in Pérez-Mallaína, Pablo E., Spain’s men of the sea: daily life on the Indies fleet in the sixteenth century, trans. Carla Rahn Phillips, Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998, p. 1Google Scholar.
83 AGI, Justicia 928, no. 8, im. 242, ‘Testimony Rodrigo Alonso’, 10 February 1575, Seville.
84 Morales issued this statement through his lawyer: AGI, Justicia 928, no. 8, im. 166.
85 AGI, Justicia 1133, no. 3, ramo 2, 1575.
86 On the use of just war rhetoric to enslave resistant Asian peoples during the period of the Spanish–Portuguese Union of the Crowns (1580–1640), see Seijas, Tatiana, ‘The Portuguese slave trade to Spanish Manila, 1580–1640’, Itinerario, 32, 2008, pp. 19–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nelson, Thomas, ‘Slavery in medieval Japan’, Monumenta Nipponica, 59, 4, 2004, pp. 463–492Google Scholar.
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88 Ibid., im. 184.
89 Ibid.
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