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Imperial polities, intercolonialism, and the shaping of global governing norms: public health expert networks in Asia and the League of Nations Health Organization, 1908–37*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 February 2017

Tomoko Akami
Tomoko Akami*
Affiliation:
College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, Acton, ACT 2601, Australia E-mail: [email protected]
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Abstract

This article stresses the role of colonial governments, not only national sovereign states, in Asia (and to a lesser extent, Africa) at the League of Nations in shaping global governing norms. It emphasizes the significance of lateral and horizontal cooperative actions across colonial governments, especially intercolonial networks of public health experts. It argues that the League of Nations Health Organization (LNHO) accepted these intercolonial practices in Asia in the 1920s, and that this led it to recognize colonial governments as formal and legitimate units in its intergovernmental conferences held in the mid 1930s. In the process, the LNHO provided an intercolonial channel for ‘national’ experts from colonial Asia to participate directly in regional and global governing norm-making processes. In turn, this highlights both the ambiguous nature of national experts and the intercolonial legacy in international health programmes in developing countries in the post-war period.

Keywords

Far Eastern Rural Hygiene ConferenceintercolonialisminternationalismLeague of NationsRockefeller Foundationtropical medicine
Type
Articles
Information
Journal of Global History , Volume 12 , Issue 1 , March 2017 , pp. 4 - 25
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2017 

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Footnotes

*

The author thanks a number of individuals, including the referees and the editors of this journal, for useful comments in the various stages of this article. I especially thank Socrates Litsios for his works and insights on the anti-malaria campaign of the LNHO and WHO. I also thank the archivists at the League of Nations Archives, the Rockefeller Archive Center, the National Archives, Kew, and the US National Archives and Record Administration, as well as Susan Pedersen, for their invaluable help and insights in collecting the materials for this article. The Australian Research Council, the Rockefeller Archive Center, and the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific funded the research for this article.

References

1 The LNHO was tentatively established in 1921, and formalized in 1923.

2 League of Nations Archives, Geneva (henceforth LNA), A19.1937.III, LNHO, ‘Report of the international Conference of Far-Eastern countries on rural hygiene, held at Bandoeng (Java), August 3rd to 13th 1937’.

3 LNA, C.577.M.284.1932.XI, League of Nations, ‘Conference on the suppression of opium-smoking convened under Article XII of the Geneva Opium Agreement, 1925, Bangkok, November 9th to 27th, 1931’; LNA, C.228.M.164.1937.IV, League of Nations, ‘Traffic in women and children: conference of central authorities in Eastern countries [2–13 February 1937]: report, Bandoeng, February 13th, 1937’.

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8 Initially called the Sanitary Commission, 1909–13, then the International Health Commission, 1913–16, the International Health Board, 1916–27, and the International Health Division, 1927–51. The last term is used throughout this article.

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17 Mazower, No enchanted palace, p. 194, also stressed the imperial legacy of the League in the UN system.

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20 See, for example, Daniel Laqua, ed., Internationalism reconfigured: transnational ideals and movements between the world wars, London: I.B. Tauris, 2011; Richard, Anne-Isabelle, ‘Competition and complementarity: civil society networks and the question of decentralizing the League of Nations’, Journal of Global History, 7, 2, 2012, pp. 233–256 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wertheim, Stephen, ‘The League of Nations: a retreat from international law?’, Journal of Global History, 7, 2, 2012, pp. 210–232 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sandell, Marie, ‘Regional versus international: women’s activism and organisational spaces in the inter-war period’, International History Review, 33, 4, 2011, pp. 607–625 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Watenpaugh, Keith, ‘The League of Nations’ rescue of Armenian genocide survivors and the making of modern humanitarianism, 1920–1927,’ American Historical Review, 115, 5, 2010, pp. 1291–1314 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Barbara Metzger, ‘Towards an international human rights regime during the inter-war years: the League of Nations’ combat of traffic in women and children’, in Kevin Grant, Philippa Levine, and Frank Trentmann, eds., Beyond sovereignty: Britain, empire and transnationalism, 1880–1950, New York: Palgrave, 2007, pp. 54–79; Allain, Jean, ‘Slavery and the League of Nations: Ethiopia as a civilised nation’, Journal of the History of International Law, 8, 2006, pp. 213–244 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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22 Legg, ‘Of scales’.

23 See, for example, Tilley, Helen, Africa as a living laboratory: empire, development, and the problem of scientific knowledge, 1870–1950, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2011 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Michael D. Callahan’s works also demonstrate how the League’s new norm influenced British and French colonial governing methods: see Callahan, Michael D., Mandates and empire: the League of Nations and Africa, 1914–1931, Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1998 Google Scholar; Callahan, Michael D., A sacred trust: the League of Nations and Africa, 1929–1946, Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2004 Google Scholar.

24 Akami, ‘Quest’. Other intercolonial works nonetheless focus mainly on the pre-League period: see Delaye, Karine, ‘Colonial co-operation and regional construction: Anglo-French medical and sanitary relations in Southeast Asia’, Asia Europe Journal, 3, 2004, pp. 461–471 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ulrike Lindner, ‘New forms of knowledge exchange between imperial powers: the development of the Institut Colonial International (ICI) since the end of the nineteenth century’, in Barth and Cvetkovski, Imperial co-operation, pp. 57–78.

25 Howard-Jones, N., The scientific background of the international sanitary conferences, 1851–1938, Geneva: WHO, 1975 Google Scholar; Fidler, David P., International law and infectious diseases, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999 Google ScholarPubMed.

26 Akami, ‘Quest’, p. 3.

27 Roy MacLeod and Milton Lewis, eds., Disease, medicine, and empire: perspectives on Western medicine and the experience of European expansion, London: Routledge, 1988; Arnold, David, Colonizing the body: state medicine and epidemic disease in nineteenth century India, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993 Google Scholar.

28 Lindner, ‘New forms’, pp. 63–4.

29 Neill, Deborah J., Networks in tropical medicine: internationalism, colonialism, and the rise of a medical specialty, 1890–1930, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012, pp. 119–120 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 Ibid., p. 119.

31 The National Archives, Kew (henceforth TNA), CO 213/874, Minutes of ‘Conference between the colonial office and representative of the Rockefeller Foundation’, 10 June 1921.

32 As for earlier US–Britain inter-imperial expert collaborations, see Tuffnell, Stephen, ‘Engineering inter-imperialism: American miners and the transformation of global mining, 1871–1910’, Journal of Global History, 10, 1, 2015, pp. 53–76 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 Akami, ‘Quest’, p. 5. Delaye refers to its earlier organization, ‘Philippine Island Medical Association’, founded in 1904. Delaye, ‘Colonial’, p. 465. She also suggests an intercolonial cooperation through the Pasteur Institute in Southeast Asia.

34 Akami, ‘Quest’, pp. 5–10.

35 Ibid., p. 8.

36 Heiser began his post as Chief Quarantine Officer to the Philippine colonial government in 1905, holding it until at least 1910: see ‘Philippine islands’, Public Health Reports, 25, 19, 1910, p. 647. By 1912, he had become Director of Health: see The annual report of the Bureau of Health of the Philippine Islands, 1912, Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1913. On his role in colonial Philippines, see Anderson, Warwick, Colonial pathologies: American tropical medicine, race, and hygiene in the Philippines, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37 David Arnold, ‘Tropical governance: managing health in monsoon Asia, 1908–1938’, Asia Research Institute working paper series, 116, National University of Singapore, 2009, pp. 1–21.

38 Akami, ‘Quest’, pp. 6, 9.

39 Farley, John, To cast out disease: a history of the International Health Division of the Rockefeller Foundation, 1913–1951, New York: Oxford University Press, 2004, p. 12 Google Scholar. On Heiser’s IHD project to recolonize the Philippines, see Anderson, Colonial pathologies, pp. 175–77, 184–205, 217–22.

40 ‘FEATM’, British Medical Journal, 1, 2573, 1910, p. 999; ‘FEATM’, British Medical Journal, 1, 2670, 1912, p. 500.

41 A German was, however, still listed as an FEATM Council member in 1921: see FEATM: transactions of the fourth congress, held at Weltevreden, Batavia, 1921, vol. 1, Weltevreden: Javasche Boekhandel en Drukkerij, 1922, p. v.

42 Stefan Hell, Siam and the League of Nations: modernization, sovereignty and multilateral diplomacy, 1920–1940, Bangkok: Rover Books, 2010, demonstrates the significance of public health in the Thai government’s relationship with the League of Nations.

43 Akami, ‘Quest’, pp. 8, 12. Iijima Wataru, ‘“Teikoku” chitsujo to ken’eki (“Imperial” order and quarantine)’, in Akita, Shigeru and Kagotani, Naoto, eds., 1930 nendai no Ajia kokusai chitsujo (International order in Asia in the 1930s), Nagoya: Nagoya daigaku shuppankai, 2001, pp. 184–6, 200–1, however, regards the FEATM as a tool for the Japanese imperial expansion.

44 The founding principles, as recorded in Gaikō shiryōkan (Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan), Tokyo (henceforth GS), Kyokutō nettai igaku kaigi ni kansuru ken-Zakken (File of miscellanies: on the FEATM), vol. 2, no. 1, ‘Kyokutō nettai igakukai dai 6 kkai sōkai dai ippō 1925 (Report 1: the sixth FEATM conference, 1925)’, p. 1.

45 International Labour Organization Archives, Geneva, L6/2, ‘Minute of a small expert meeting invited by the British government’, 13 April 1920, included in ‘Report’, p. 3.

46 Borowy, Coming to terms, p. 286.

47 Ibid., p. 110.

48 On a negative war legacy between Germany and France, see Neill, Networks, pp. 197–201. The British Colonial Office also limited the scope of the LNHO’s joint research commission in Africa: see Borowy, Coming to terms, p. 257.

49 This included the Rockefeller Foundation’s assistance for building hospitals in British colonies, and the Colonial Development Fund of the British Empire (1929) for starting ‘midwifery and nursing training for Africans’. See Lindner, Ulrike, ‘The transfer of European social policy concepts to tropical Africa, 1900–50: the example of maternal and child welfare’, Journal of Global History, 9, 2, 2014, pp. 1 CrossRefGoogle Scholar and 3.

50 Borowy, Coming to terms, p. 258.

51 Farley, To cast out disease, pp. 217–18.

52 Borowy, Coming to terms, pp. 255, 257, 260, 261.

53 FEATM, Transactions of the fourth congress held at Weltevreden, Batavia, 1921, Weltevrden: Javasche Boekhandel en Drukkerij, 1922, vol. 1, pp. x–xv.

54 Hoops, A. L. and Scharff, J. W., eds., FEATM: transactions of the fifth biennial congress held at Singapore, 1923, London: John Bale, Sons and Danielsson, 1924, pp. xiv–xxGoogle Scholar.

55 Habibullah was a member of a royal family, and trained in law. He became one of the Indian delegates to the League of Nations’ first session. He was decorated as Khan Bahadur by the Government of India in 1905, a Companion of the Indian Empire in 1920, a Knight Bachelor in 1922, and both a Knight Commander of the Star of India and a Knight Commander of the Indian Empire in 1924.

56 J. Cunningham, ed., FEATM: transactions of the seventh congress held in British India, December 1927, vol. 1, Calcutta: Hacker’s Press and Directors, [1928], pp. xxxiv–xxxvi. Cunningham was listed as ‘Director of Pasteur Institute of India, Kasauli, British India’, which suggests an Anglo-French intercolonial connection.

57 Ibid., pp. ix–xiv.

58 Ibid., p. xxvi.

59 Ibid., p. ix–xiv.

60 Akami, ‘Quest’, pp. 15–16.

61 Lenore Manderson, ‘Wireless wars in the eastern arena: epidemiological surveillance, disease prevention and the work of the Eastern Bureau of the League of Nations Health Organisation, 1925–1942’, in Weindling, International health organisations, pp. 109–33, assesses the politics and achievements of the Eastern Bureau, especially its ambiguous relationship with the LNHO and the Paris Office. On the impact of the FEATM in the establishment of the bureau, see Akami, ‘Quest’, pp. 10–16.

62 British India, British North Borneo, Ceylon, the Dutch East Indies, the Federated Malay States, French Indochina, Hong Kong, and the Straits Settlements, as well as China, Japan, and Siam, participated in the first council meeting in 1925, with an observer from the Philippines. See LNA, CH419, Société des Nations, Organisation d’Hygiène, Bureau d’Orient, ‘Resumé de rapport annuel pour 1925 et du procès-verbal de la conférence du comité consultatif, tenue à Singapour, du 4 au 6 janvier 1926’, p. 1.

63 GS, Kokusai renmei hoken iinkai kankei ikken-iinkai keika hōkokusho (File of reports on the Health Committee of the League of Nations), Tsurumi Sanzō, ‘Dai 9 kai kokusai renmei hoken iinkai kaigi hōkoku (Report on the 9th meeting of the League of Nations Health Committee)’, March 1927.

64 Balinska, M. A., For the good of humanity: Ludwik Rajchman, medical statesman, Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995, pp. 82Google Scholar, 85, 86, 91–102.

65 Tsurumi, ‘Dai 9 kai’; TNA, CO 273/535, Drummond to Cadogan, 7 November 1927.

66 Yasuda, Kokusai, pp. 46–9. LNA, C179M55CH705, LNHO, Eastern Bureau, ‘Annual report for 1927 and minutes of the third session of the Advisory Council’, p. 23; LNA, C48M28.1929III, LNHO, Eastern Bureau, ‘Annual report for 1928 and minutes of the fourth session of the Advisory Council’, Singapore, 14–16 February 1929, p. 26. The British colonial representations were limited to two (none from the British metropolitan government).

67 Amrith, Decolonizing, p. 25.

68 Sealey, Anne, ‘Globalizing the 1926 international sanitary convention’, Journal of Global History, 6, 3, 2011, pp. 2 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 3, 5.

69 Akami, T., Internationalizing the Pacific: the United States, Japan and the Institute of Pacific Relations in war and peace, 1919–1945, London: Routledge, 2002 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Akami, ‘Beyond empires’ science’. Anderson, Colonial pathologies, p. 233, points to the importance of American colonial public health experts in post-war international health projects.

70 Rockefeller Archive Center (henceforth RAC), RF/FA 118/RG 12/Box 217, RF Officers’ Diaries: Heiser, Victor G.: 1925–1934, Heiser diary 1925–26, p. 117. For a comprehensive analysis of this diary, see T. Akami, ‘Victor Heiser and the Rockefeller Foundation as a medium for the intercolonial transfer of health management knowledge in Asia in the era of the League of Nations’, Rockefeller Archives Center Reports, 2016, http://www.rockarch.org/publications/resrep/akami.pdf (uploaded 25 November 2016).

71 Heiser diary, 1925–26, pp. 228, 266–9, 273–4.

72 These two cases were for Hydrick in West Java, and for Dr Barnes in Bangkok. Ibid., pp. 224–5, 229a, 231, 256, 282.

73 Ibid., pp. 255, 269.

74 Borowy, Coming to terms, pp. 226, 230, 231.

75 Murard, Lion, ‘Designs within disorder: international conferences on rural health care and the art of the local, 1931–39’, in Susan Gross Solomon, Lion Murard, and Patrick Zylberman, eds., Shifting boundaries of public health, Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2008, pp. 146–147 Google Scholar; Amrith, Decolonizing, p. 40.

76 Callahan, Sacred trust, pp. 108–15, 130–2.

77 Tilley, Africa, pp. 1–5.

78 Borowy, Coming to terms, pp. 227, 231.

79 The African colonial governments wanted the IHD’s experts in yellow fever (Wilbur Sawyer and Fred Soper) in order to respond to the International Sanitary Convention on Aerial Navigation in 1932, because their main concern was the transatlantic air transmission of yellow fever. Ibid., pp. 226–7.

80 Ibid., pp. 228–9, 232, 233.

81 Lindner, ‘Transfer’, p. 3.

82 Tilley, Africa, p. 5.

83 League of Nations, ‘Report of the Pan-African health conference held at Johannesburg, November 20th to 30th, 1935’, Quarterly Bulletin of the Health Organization, 5, 1, 1936, p. 113. I thank Socrates Litsios for this reference. See also Borowy, Coming to terms, pp. 234–5, 328, 348.

84 LNA, R6093/8A/25509/8855, [LNHO], ‘Memorandum’ [January 1936], Appendix II (there were three parts in this document, each of which had separate pagination).

85 Ibid.

86 Borowy, Coming to terms, p. 347.

87 [LNHO], ‘Memorandum’, parts II and III.

88 RAC, RG 1.1/Ser609/Box2, Selskar Gunn to Max Mason, 2 September 1931.

89 Other conferences were held in Honolulu (1920), Melbourne and Sydney (1923); Tokyo (1926); and Java (1929).

90 Akami, T., Soft power of Japan’s total war state: the Board of Information and Dōmei news agency in foreign policy, 1934–45, Dordrecht: Republic of Letters, 2014, pp. 36–39 Google Scholar, 167–70.

91 GS, Kokusai renmei hoken iinkai kankei ikken: Tōyō nōson eisei kaigi kankei (File on the League of Nations Health Committee: on the Far Eastern rural hygiene conference), 1936–37, Yokoyama to Satō, 1 May 1937.

92 The Nationalist government strengthened its cooperation with the LNHO after it achieved national unification in 1928. On the role of public health in China’s national reconstruction, see Yip, Ka-che, Health and national reconstruction in nationalist China: the development of modern health service, 1928–1937, Ann Arbor, MI: The Association for Asian Studies, 1995 Google Scholar; Khiun, Liew Kai, ‘(Re)claiming sovereignty: the Manchuria Plague Prevention Services (1912–31)’, in Iris Borowy, ed., Uneasy encounters: the politics of medicine and health in China, 1900–1937, Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2009, pp. 125–148 Google Scholar.

93 Yasuda, Kokusai, pp. 63–5.

94 Borowy, Coming to terms, pp. 330–3.

95 Bullock, Mary Brown, An American transplant: the Rockefeller Foundation and Peking Union Medical College, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1980, pp. 143–146 Google Scholar; Bu, Liping, ‘From public health to state medicine: John B. Grant and China’s health profession’, Harvard Asia Quarterly, 14, 4, 2012, pp. 8–15 Google Scholar.

96 Yuki, Fukushi, Kindai Shanhai to kōshū eisei: bōeki no toshi shakaishi (Modern Shanghai and public health: urban social history of epidemic prevention), Tokyo: Ochanomizu shobō, 2010, pp. 193Google Scholar, 195–7.

97 Hell, Siam, pp. 129–60.

98 [LNHO], ‘Memorandum’.

99 One month was planned for Malaya, including fifteen days in Singapore, and all the other places had 5 to 20 days. [LNHO], ‘Memorandum’.

100 LNA, R6093/8A/25509/8855, [Emilio Pampana] to Ludwik Rajchman, 14 April 1936; Pampana to Rajchman, 27 April 1936; R6095/8A/26762/8855, ‘Note prepared by Mr. Haynes in view of the conference on rural hygiene in the Far East, Bandoeng (Java), August 3rd–13th, 1937’, n.d., section II.

101 LNA, R6096/8A/26763/8855, Pampana to Sir Thomas Stanton (Colonial Office, London), 22 April 1937.

102 LNA, R6093/8A/25509/8855, Sidney Haynes to Private Secretary, the Viceroy, Simla, 22 August 1936.

103 LNA, R6093/8A/25509/8855, Pampana to Rajchman, 3 July 1936.

104 LNA, R6097/8A/26957/8855, Word (the Legal Section) to the Health Section, 17 December 1936; Rajchman to Stanton, 18 February 1937.

105 FEATM, Report of the eighth congress of the Far Eastern Association of Tropical Medicine, December 7–20, 1930, Bangkok: The Bangkok Times Press, 1931; Wu Lien-The and C. Y. Wu, eds., FEATM: transactions of the ninth congress held in Nanking, China, October 2–8, 1934, Nanking: The National Health Administration, 1935.

106 Lien-The and Wu, FEATM: transactions 1934, pp. 4–8.

107 See Legg, ‘International anomaly’.

108 On the general localization of the public health administration in the Philippines, see Anderson, Colonial pathologies, pp. 190–1.

109 Comptes-rendus du dixième congrès, Hanoi, 26 Novembre–2 Décembre 1938, vol. 1, Hanoi: Imprimerie d’Extrême-Orient, 1939, pp. xx–xxvii.

110 LNA, R6097/8A/26957/8855, Rajchman to Stanton, 18 February 1937. Rajchman also asked to find an Indian conference rapporteur on rural reconstruction: see LNA, R6096/8A/26763/8855, Rajchman to Colonel Russell, 24 March 1937.

111 LNA, R6093/8A/25509/8855, [Pampana] to Rajchman, 14 April 1936.

112 LNA, R6095/8A/26762/8855, ‘Note prepared by Mr. Haynes’, section II: rural reconstruction, [p. 1].

113 LNA, R6093/8A/25509/8855, Haynes to Private Secretary to the Viceroy, Simla, India, 22 August 1936.

114 LNA, R6093/8A/25509/8855, Pampana to Rajchman, 27 April 1936.

115 LNA, R6095/8A/26762/8855, ‘Note prepared by Mr. Haynes’, section II.

116 LNA, R6093/8A/25509/8855, Pampana to Rajchman, 27 April 1936; Haynes’s interview with Dr de Kat Angelino, Director of the Department of Education and Public Worship, Batavia-centrum, Java, 6 July 1936.

117 LNA, R6093/8A/25509/8855, Haynes’s interview with Dr de Kat Angelino, 6 July 1936.

118 LNHO, ‘Report of the intergovernmental conference’, pp. 49–56.

119 For a useful discussion, see Tilly, Africa, pp. 14–15.

120 Amrith, Decolonizing, p. 44.

121 Borowy, Coming to terms, p. 352.

122 LNHO, ‘Report of the intergovernmental conference’, pp. 49–56.

123 I thank Socrates Litsios for his insights and the sources on anti-malaria campaigns in this section.

124 Borowy, Coming to terms, p. 421.

125 David Macfayden, The genealogy of WHO and UNICEF and the intersecting careers of Melville Mackenzie (1889–1972) and Ludwik Rajchman (1881–1965), http://www.peacepalacelibrary.nl/ebooks/files/383768705.pdf (consulted 25 November 2016).

126 James Gillespie, ‘Europe, America, and the space of international health’, in Solomon, Murard, and Zylberman, Shifting boundaries, pp. 124–6.

127 The WHO was established in 1948; in 1946–8 it was called the Interim Commission of the WHO, chaired by Štampar.

128 Amrith, Decolonizing; Gorman, Daniel, ‘Britain, India and the United Nations: colonialism and the development of international governance, 1945–60’, Journal of Global History, 9, 3, 2014, p. 4 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

129 WHO, International Repository for Information Sharing (henceforth IRIS), WHO.IC/Mal./4, 10, Expert Committee on Malaria (henceforth ECM), ‘Report of the first session’, Geneva, 22–25 April 1947, p. 3, http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/64024/1/WHO_IC_MAL_4.pdf?ua=1; WHO.IC/Mal./25, 20, ECM, ‘Report of the second session’, Washington DC, 19–25 May 1948, p. 4, http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/64063/1/WHO_IC_MAL_25.pdf?ua=1 (both consulted 25 November 2016).

130 India was a major site for this anti-malaria campaign. See Gordon Harrison, Mosquitoes, malaria and man: a history of the hostilities since 1880, New York: EP Dutton, 1978, p. 241.

131 Packard, Randall, ‘Visions of postwar health and development and their impact on public health intervention in the developing world’, in F. Cooper and R. Packard, eds., International development and the social sciences, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1997, pp. 93–115 Google Scholar.