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Buddhism in the re-ordering of an early modern world: Chinese missions to Cochinchina in the seventeenth century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 November 2007

Charles Wheeler
Charles Wheeler
Affiliation:
University of California, Irvine1 E-mail: [email protected]
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Abstract

In the seventeenth century, Chan Buddhist masters from monasteries in South China boarded merchant ships to Chinese merchant colonies in East and Southeast Asian port cities to establish or maintain monasteries. Typically, Chinese seafarers and merchants sponsored their travel, and sovereigns and elites abroad offered their patronage. What were these monks and their patrons seeking? This study will investigate the question through the case of one Chan master, Shilian Dashan, who journeyed to the Vietnamese kingdom of Cochinchina (Dang Trong) in 1695 and 1696. In Dashan, we see a form of Buddhism thought to have vanished with the Silk Road: that is, Buddhism as a ‘missionary religion’ able to propagate branch temples through long-distance networks of merchant colonies, and to form monastic communities within the host societies that welcomed them. This evident agency of seafaring Chan monks in early modern times suggests that Buddhism’s role in commerce, diaspora, and state formation in early modern maritime Asia may compare to religions like Islam and Christianity, and deserves further study.

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Articles
Information
Journal of Global History , Volume 2 , Issue 3 , November 2007 , pp. 303 - 324
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2007

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References

1 My thanks go to the University of California, Irvine's Center for Writing and Translation for its research grant, and to the National University of Singapore’s Asia Research Institute, especially its director Anthony Reid, for a Visiting Research Fellowship in 2004–5. Gratitude is also due to advice from Nola Cooke, Naoko Iioka, Danielle McClellan, Steven Miles, Ken Pomeranz, Wensheng Wang, Michael Wert, John Whitmore, Jack Wills, and Chi-hong Yim.

2 Chan is the Mandarin pronunciation of the character pronounced as Zen in Japanese, and Thien in Vietnamese. Mandarin pronunciations of Chan religious terms are used for consistency, while characters for persons or places are transliterated according to origin or location.

3 Unless noted otherwise, this paragraph derives from Shilian Dashan, Haiwai jishi [Overseas journal], 1699, ed. Ch’en Ching-ho, Taibei: Guangwen shuju, 1969, p. 11. All translations are my own unless otherwise noted.

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48 Jiang, Shilian Dashan, pp. 463–8.

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50 Haiwai jishi, p. 109.

51 Ch’en, Notes, p. 65.

52 ‘Duong thuong Hoi quan quy le [The covenant and regulations of the Ocean Merchants Guild Hall]’, Han-Nom Institute, no. M.180. See also Ch’en, Notes, pp. 95–8, 138–41; ‘Duong thuong Hoi quan’, pp. 148–56.

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56 Ch’en, Notes, pp. 48, 92, 136.

57 Ch’en, Notes, p. 55.

58 Haiwai jishi, pp. 102–4; Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, pp. 200–1.

59 Ch’en, Notes, p. 39; Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 2, pp. 8, 48.

60 Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 2, p. 53.

61 On Thien Lam, Haiwai jishi, p. 48; DNNTC, pp. 88; Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 168–80.

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64 See especially Baroni, Obaku, pp. 35–57, 82–3; Zhong-Ri wenhua jiaoliu shidaxi [Compilation on Sino-Japanese cultural exchange], vol. 10: Renwu juan [Biographies volume], comp. Wang Yong, Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1996, pp. 249–57; and Wu, ‘Orthodoxy’, pp. 254–304.

65 Baroni, Obaku, pp. 30–1; Haiwai jishi, p. 11. For Silk Road times, personal communications, Valerie Hansen, Koichi Shinohara.

66 Baroni, Obaku, pp. 35–6.

67 Baroni, Obaku, pp. 58–65; Baroni, Iron Eyes, pp. 16, 19.

68 Jinjiang xianzhi [Jinjiang Gazetteer], comp. Zhou Xuezeng, Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1990, pp. 1522–3.

69 Haiwai jishi, p. 135–7.

70 See examples of Chinese monks in Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 268, 277, 288; vol. 2, pp. 5, 53, 84, 142–3, 254–5, 186–8, 291; Nguyen Lang, Viet Nam giao su luan, [Paris]: La Boi, 1977, pp. 152–8. For an example of a Chinese monk after Dashan, ‘Les montagnes des marbre’, Bulletin des Amis du Vieux Hué, année 11, no. 1 (1924), p. 134–5.

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74 Chou Zhao’ao preface, Haiwai jishi, p. 3.

75 Williams, The other side, pp. 13–15; Watt, Paul B., ‘Jijun Sonja (1718–1804): a response to Confucianism within the context of Buddhist reform’, in Nosco, Peter, ed., Confucianism and Tokugawa culture, Princeton: Princeton University Press, p. 189.Google Scholar

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77 Baker, ‘Obaku connection’, p. 101.

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79 Baker, ‘Obaku connection’, p. 99; Robert L. Innes, ‘Trade between Japan and Central Vietnam in the seventeenth century: The domestic impact’, unpubl. mss., 1988, p. 10.

80 See the inventory of Le Quy Don in 1776, Phu bien tap luc, vol. 1., pp. 63–4, 219–20, 369; vol. 2, pp. 45–54, 73–4, 369, 401–4. For antiquity, see Xinru, Liu, Ancient India and ancient China: trade and religious exchanges, A.D. 1–600, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988, pp. 113–14Google Scholar; Wheeler, ‘Cross-cultural trade’, pp. 88–131.

81 Chuanzong, Hu, ‘Zheng Chenggong yu Yinyuan chanshi guanxi luelun [A sketch of the connections between Zheng Chenggong and Chan Master Yinyuan]’, Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (zhexue shehui kexue ban), vol. 4, pp. 96–101Google Scholar; Wu, ‘Orthodoxy’, pp. 157–69.

82 Yanjie, Yang, ‘1650 zhi 1662 nian Zheng Chenggong haiwai maoyi di maoyi e he rune guji’, in Zheng Chenggong lunwen ji [Collected essays on Zheng Chenggong], Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1984, pp. 222–3, 226–8.Google Scholar

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85 Xie, Ming Qing biji, p. 49.

86 Mohr, ‘Zen Buddhism’, p. 347.

87 Mohr, p. 170, 172–4; David E. Riggs, ‘The rekindling of tradition: Menzan Zuho and the reform of Japanese Soto Zen in the Tokugawa era’, PhD dissertation, UCLA, 2002, pp. 47, 49, 50–6.

88 Mohr, ‘Zen Buddhism’, pp. 345–53.

89 Le Quy Don, Kien van tieu luc [Jottings on what I’ve seen and heard], c. 1777, Vietnamese translation, Hanoi: Nxb. Khoa hoc Xa hoi, 1977, pp. 404–5.

90 Liet truyen, pp. 260–3. On Yuanzhao, Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 26, 91–163; Thich Thien An, Buddhism and Zen in Vietnam in relation to the development of Buddhism in Asia, Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle & Co., pp. 148–61; Wu, ‘Orthodoxy’, pp. 318–9.

91 Liet truyen, pp. 260, 262.

92 Wu, ‘Orthodoxy’, pp. 137; Cai Hongsheng, Qingchu Lingnan fomen shilue, Guangzhou: Guangdong gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997, pp. 90–2; Chen Yuan, Qingchu sengjing ji [A record of early-Qing monastic controversies], 1924, repr. Shanghai: Shanghai shu dian, 1990, juan 1: 36a–b; Jiang, Shilian Dashan yu Aomen, pp. 39–114, 163–4.

93 Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, p. 29.

94 Thuc luc, vol. 1, pp. 97–9.

95 Liet truyen, p. 260.

96 Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 29, 101–3. On settlement in Mekong, Tran Hong Lien, Phat giao Nam bo tu the ky 17 den 1975 [Buddhism in the South from the 17th century to 1975), T.p. Ho Chi Minh: Nxb. Thanh pho Ho Chi Minh, 1996, pp. 17–20.

97 Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 122–3.

98 DNNTC, q. 6, pp. 59, 55; Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 2, pp. 60.

99 Nguyen, Phat giao Dang Trong, vol. 1, pp. 267, 283, 305, vol. 2, pp. 118, 143–4, 149, 190, 202, 254–5, 331.

100 Li, Nguyen Cochinchina, pp. 103–10; on Buddhism and state in the nineteenth century, Cooke, ‘Myth’, pp. 286–9; Mus, Paul, ‘Buddhism in Vietnamese history and society’, Jahrbuch, 2, 1968, pp. 99–103Google Scholar; Alexander Woodside, ‘Vietnamese Buddhism, the Vietnamese Court, and China in the 1800s’, in Historical interactions of China and Vietnam: institutional and cultural themes, ed. Edgar Wickberg, Lawrence, KS: Center for East Asian Studies, University of Kansas, 1969, p. 12.

101 ‘Ngu kien Thien Mu tu chung’; Han-Nom Institute, Hanoi, no. 5703. See, for example, Bonhomme, A., ‘La pagode Thien-Mau: Historique’ Bulletin des Amis à Vieux Hué, années 2, 2 1915, pp. 178–9Google Scholar; Bonhomme, , ‘La pagode Thien-mau: les stèles’, Bulletin des Amis du Vieux Hué, années 2, 4, 1915, p. 431Google Scholar; Thuc luc, p. 96.

102 Tan, ‘Chinese religion’, p. 149.

103 Haiwai jishi, p. 13; Mao preface, Haiwai jishi, p. 8.