Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 March 2009
Previous studies explain the extension of royal power in fifteenth-century France by the professionalization of military combat or by the commercialization of economic activity. Neither approach can account for the turnaround in Charles VII's fortunes between 1435 and 1445. Using Lösch's model of spatial competition to examine the determinants of state borders, we suggest that the key factor in the formation of the French hexagon was an innovation in artillery projectiles that increased military scale economies. A reduction in state economic intervention apparently accompanied this development rather than the increase suggested elsewhere.
1 In the words of Braudel, Fernand, Civilization and Capitalism, Vol. 2: The Wheels of Commerce (New York, 1979), p. 515, “The new state … was borne along on the economic upsurge which favored its growth”.Google Scholar Similarly, Friedman, David, “A Theory of the Size and Shape of Nations”, Journal of Political Economy, 85 (02 1977), p. 61, argues that feudalism's rise and fall was the result of an exogenous rise and fall in trade flows.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
2 According to Bean, Richard, “War and the Birth of the Nation State,” this Journal, 33 (03 1973), p. 208, “the revival of professional infantry as an important military force strengthened the centralized state relative to the decentralized state and strengthened the monarch relative to his feudal barons. The sudden maturation in 1450 A.D. of the cannon, after a long infancy, as the destroyer of castles made a further and larger change in the art of war in favor of the centralized state”. William H. McNeill's explanation of the case of France is similar: “The Kingdom of France emerged on the map of Europe between 1450 and 1478, centralized as never before and capable of maintaining a standing professional army of about 25,000 men” (The Pursuit of Power [Chicago, 1982] p. 83). The French kings' success was due in part to heavy artillery pieces that brought down “previously formidable defenses … in a matter of hours.”Google Scholar
3 The large artillery pieces mentioned in a 1442 document by Jean Bureau, Charles VII's artillery captain, are all of the traditional wrought-iron type. See Contamine, Philippe, Guerre, état et société à la fin du moyen âge. Etude sur les armées des rois de France, 1337–1494 (Paris, 1972), p. 666.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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5 Theory of Location (first published as Die räumliche Ordnung der Wirtschaft, 1940; English translation, New Haven, 1954). The title of the original German edition, The Spatial Order of the Economy, perhaps gives a better idea of Lösch's intentions than does the English.Google Scholar
6 This problem of spatial allocation of public goods has been considered previously by Walter Christaller, Central Places in Southern Germany (first published as Die zentralen Orte in Süddeurschland, 1933; trans. by C. W. Baskin, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1966). For a recent application,Google Scholar see Kooij, Pim, “Peripheral Cities and their Regions in the Dutch Urban System until 1900,” this Journal, 48 (06 1988), pp. 357–71. However, Christaller's approach does not treat the fiscal implications of public-service provision explicitly.Google Scholar
7 The concept of the ruler as a revenue-maximizing predator has been proposed and applied to other historical periods by Levi, Margaret, Of Rule and Revenue (Berkeley, 1988).Google Scholar
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11 Those familiar with the Lösch model will note that we have multiplied his individual demand function by population density to obtain the demand-density schedule, D(c).Google Scholar
12 The more the marketing area is reduced, the more the point S. at which the demand curve starts to bend inward, moves up. In equilibrium, this point will lie at a distance of do below the point R at which the demand curve intersects the price axis. A possible competitor from outside the marketing area would be unable to recoup his transport costs if he tried to capture this part of the original producer's market.Google Scholar
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