Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-jkksz Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-25T17:33:45.760Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Profitability of the Nantes Slave Trade, 1783–1792

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 May 2010

Robert Stein
Robert Stein
Affiliation:
Centre Universitaire des Antilles in Pointe-á-Pitre
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

“The town has that sign of prosperity of new buildings, which never deceives,” wrote Arthur Young of Nantes in 1788. In fact, on the eve of the Revolution, Nantes—the infamous ville des négriers (city of the slavers)—was one of the richest cities in France and one of the most important ports in the kingdom. For almost a century Nantes had been the capital of the French slave trade, and by 1789 local merchants were investing almost 10 million L (livres) annually in the trade. Yet, in spite of the general activity, Nantes traders were experiencing difficulties with their business. Although a few slavers managed to create vast fortunes almost overnight, problems in France, the colonies, and Africa meant that most traders had to struggle to obtain even modest profits, from slaving. During the last decade of the old regime investments in the slave trade were usually no more profitable than investments in offices or land, although the trade alone offered the possibility, however, remote, of quick, vast profits.

Type
Articles
Information
The Journal of Economic History , Volume 35 , Issue 4 , December 1975 , pp. 779 - 793
Copyright
Copyright © The Economic History Association 1975

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Young, Arthur, Travels in France (London: G. Bell Sons, 1913), p. 133Google Scholar.

2 Rinchon, Dieudonné, Le Trafic négrier (Brussels, 1938), p. 305, has 370 expeditions from 1783 to 1792Google Scholar; when the actes de propriété (Property Acts) are considered, this rises to 387; Archives Départementales de la Loire-Atlantique [henceforth A.D.L.A.], B4507– 4511.

3 A.D.L.A., 3J76, B4480– 4511; Rinchon, Trafic, pp. 248– 305; and Rinchon's hand written lists found in Nantes at the Centre de recherches sur l'histoire de la France Atlantique, Fonds Rinchon, Nos. 10– 12.

4 Averages are taken from the statistics in Rinchon, Trafic, pp. 248– 305.

5 Meyer, Jean, L'Armement nantais dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1969), p. 69Google Scholar.

6 See Stein, Robert, “The Nantes Slave Traders, 1783– 1815” (unpublished PkD. dissertation, York University, Toronto, 1975), pp. 323–327Google Scholar.

7 A.D.L.A., 1M2132, letter from G. Ducoudray Bourgault to the Prefect of the Loire-Inférieure, 2– 27– 1828.

8 A.D.L.A., C713– 715.

9 Of the Chaurand Brothers' 28 ships en droiture, 1783– 1792, the average cargo was worth 22.713L, while their expenses averaged 44,427L. For their 10 slave ships, the averages were 178.252L and 63.441L, respectively (not including occasional expenses incurred by slavers stopping at Lisbon).

10 This is in contrast to the Bordeaux merchants who sent out large cargoes of French goods to the colonies. See Butel, Paul, La Croissance commerciale bordelaise (thesis at the Université de Paris, 1973), p. 660Google Scholar.

11 For the Chaurands, freight brought in an average of 72.201L per ship as opposed to 24.953L for the sale of diverse goods and bills in Nantes; A.D.L.A., 1JJ26– 28.

12 Letter from Musson to Le Roux, 6– 24– 1790, Bibliothèque Municipale de Nantes, ms. 846.

13 A.D.L.A., 1JJ27.

14 A.D.L.A., 1JJ3, letter from the Chaurands to Guilbaud, Gerbier and Co., 4– 3– 1787.

15 The traders assumed large profits would accrue. For example, see Schweitzerisher Wirtschaftarchive (Basel), Handschriften 420, N 1, undated prospectus for an expedition to the Gold Coast, which estimates net profits at over 100 percent.

16 Martin, Gaston, Nantes au XVIIe siècle: l'ère des n'gners (1714– 1774) (Paris, 1931), p. 425Google Scholar.

17 Rinchon, Dieudonn', Les Armements négriers au XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1956), pp. 74 and 127Google Scholar.

18 Armement nantais, p. 224.

19 A.D.L.A., 1JJ26– 28.

20 A.D.L.A., 1JJ26– 28.

21 Stein, “Nantes Slave Traders,” p. 38.

22 A.D.L.A., 1JJ1– 8.

23 Fonds Dobrée, 2A9, letters of 5– 27– 1787, 2– 16– 1788, and 6– 14– 1788.

24 His investments included: “Musette” (Lincoln), 8– 27– 1783, A.D.L.A., B4507; “Solitaire” (Murphy and d'Havelooze), 5– 19– 1783, A.D.L.A., B4507, and others.

25 See Table 2. These examples are representative in that they were fitted out by seventeen men who sent out about 20 percent of all slavers leaving Nantes from 1783 to 1792. Large and small outfitters are included.

26 These included the four voyages of Arnous' “Justine” and the “Madame” of Delaville and Barthelemi.

27 For a modem version of this, see Boulle, Pierre, “Slave Trade, Commercial Organization and Industrial Growth in Eighteenth Century Nantes,” Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-mer, LIX (1972), pp. 82–83Google Scholar.

28 For example, about 85 percent of the money owed the “Louis” (Chaurands) was paid, but the result was a 32 percent loss. Only 60 percent of. the money owed the “Jeanne Th'rèse” (second voyage, Chaurands) was paid, but there was still a 26 percent profit; A.D.L.A., 1JJ26– 28.

29 It is difficult to discuss the sizes of the ships after 1783 because they seem to vary depending on the registering agency in question.

30 This does not count the one which broke even or the five which were losing but still had significant sums to arrive.

31 For the Chaurands' outraged reaction to this event, see their letters of January and February, 1785, 1JJ2.

32 The “Alexandrine” (Chaurands), 1785, suffered a 3 percent loss even though it had purchased slaves for only 863L each.

33 See A.D.L.A., 1JJ2, 9– 5– 1785, for a discussion of slave prices.

34 See Stein, “Nantes Slave Traders,” p. 61.

35 For this idea, I am gratefully indebted to Herbert S. Klein and his manuscript, “The Demographic Study of the Atlantic Slave Trade.”

36 See Tarrade, Jean, Le Commerce colonial de la France d. la fin de Yancien regime (Paris 1972), pp. 531–674Google Scholar.

37 Stein, “Nantes Slave Traders,” pp. 84– 88. This takes into account depreciation of the vessel.

38 This follows from A.D.L.A., 1JJ26– 28 and Meyer, Armement nantais, pp. 394– 411.

39 This is all but the “Rose,” which sank, and the “Jeanne Therese” (third voyage), for which full documentation is lacking, A.D.L.A., 1JJ26– 28. See also Meyer, Armement nantais, pp. 384– 439.

40 A.D.L.A., 6JJ30.

41 For the best description of this process, see Thesée, Françise, Négotiants ordelais et colons de Saint Domingue (Paris, 1972)Google Scholar.

42 A.D.L.A., 1JJ3, 413– 1786, letter from the Chaurands to La Fosse and Gauvin.

43 It is possible that higher sale prices of slaves made up for expected delays in payment. See Sheridan, Richard, Sugar and Slavery (London, 1974), pp. 271–274Google Scholar.

44 A.D.L.A., 1JJ2, 2– 27– 1785, letter from the Chaurands to Ramville.

45 See, for example, Butel, Croissance, and Carrière, Charles, Négociants marseillais au XVIIIe siècle (Marseilles, 1973)Google Scholar.