Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-dh8gc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-03T08:12:31.089Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Deaths of Slaves in the Middle Passage

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 March 2009

Raymond L. Cohn
Affiliation:
Associate Professor of Economics at Illinois State University, Normal, Illinois 61761.

Abstract

It is widely accepted by students of the slave trade that slave mortality during the Middle Passage fell between the seventeenth and early nineteenth centuries. The first person to make the claim of declining mortality was Philip Curtin, who reopened research on slave mortality in his book The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census. Curtin examined a number of sources, and his conclusion was that “… there is a decreasing rate of loss over the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.” Curtin's book stimulated a great deal of further research, much of it by Herbert Klein. Klein's conclusion was the same as Curtin's: “it is undoubtedly true that over the whole of the 18th century, mortality in the Middle Passage was on the decline.” This result has since been repeated in a number of places. Riley has recently summed up the consensus view on the subject: “Most students of this question report that mortality declined over time, but the available data are sporadic in time and place.” The only dissenting view has come from Postma who found “no discernible trend toward decrease or increase in the overall pattern” in the Dutch trade.

Type
A Symposium on the Atlantic Slave Trade
Copyright
Copyright © The Economic History Association 1985

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Curtin, Philip C., The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison, Wisc., 1969), pp. 276–77.Google Scholar

2 Klein, Herbert S., The Middle Passage: Comparative Studies in the Atlantic Slave Trade (Princeton, 1969), p. 174.Google Scholar

3 Stein, Robert L., The French Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century: An Old Regime Business (Madison, Wisc., 1979), p. 99.Google ScholarEltis, David, “The Direction and Fluctuation of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1821–1843: A Revision of the 1845 Parliamentary Paper,” in Gemery, H. A. and Hogendorn, J. S., eds., The Uncommon Market (New York, 1979), pp. 294–95.Google ScholarRawley, James A., The Transatlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1981), p. 288.Google Scholar

4 Riley, James C., “Mortality on Long-Distance Voyages in the Eighteenth Century,” this JOURNAL, 41 (09 1981), p. 653.Google ScholarPubMed

5 Postma, Johannes, “Mortality in the Dutch Slave Trade, 1675–1795” in The Uncommon Market, p. 253.Google Scholar

6 Klein, The Middle Passage, pp. 90–91.Google Scholar

7 Fogel, Robert W., Engerman, Stanley L. et al. , “The Economics of Mortality in North America, 1659–1910: A Description of a Research Project,” Historical Methods, 11 (Spring 1978), p. 77.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

8 Cited in Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 277.Google Scholar

10 Anstey, Roger, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, 1760–1810 (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1975), p. 415.CrossRefGoogle ScholarKlein, The Middle Passage, p. 162.Google Scholar

11 Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 277.Google Scholar

12 Stein, Robert L., “Mortality in the Eighteenth-Century French Slave Trade,” Journal of African History, 21 (1980), pp. 3541.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMedKlein, Herbert S. and Engerman, Stanley L., “A Note on Mortality in the French Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century,” in The Uncommon Market, pp. 261–72.Google Scholar

13 Postma, “Mortality”, Table 9.8, p. 255.Google Scholar

14 Coughtry, Jay, The Notorious Triangle: Rhode Island and the African Slave Trade, 1700–1807, (Philadelphia, 1981).Google Scholar

15 Klein, The Middle Passage, pp.55, 84. Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 280. Eltis, “Direction and Fluctuation,” p. 292.Google Scholar

16 Eltis, “Direction and Fluctuation”, pp. 291–96. Eltis at least partially discounts the importance of this downward bias.Google Scholar

17 See Klein, The Middle Passage. The data set Curtin developed from the Parliamentary Papers stretches to 1843 but most of the ships for which mortality information is available arrived before 1831.Google Scholar

18 Eltis, David, “Mortality in the Nineteenth-Century Slave Trade”, this JOURNAL, 44 (06 1984), pp. 301–8.Google Scholar

19 The equation is not as simple and direct as it seems. The mortality rate obtained by dividing loss in transit by length of voyage is not exactly the mortality rate that would be preferred. A great deal of confusion exists in exactly how to calculate mortality rates from ship-specific or sample-specific data. See Raymond L. Cohn, “Methods of Calculating Slave Mortality and Loss-in-Transit Rates” (unpublished manuscript) for a discussion of the various problems involved in calculating these rates. Alternatively, voyage length could be given in days rather than months. The use of days for voyage length would, however, lead to mortality rates being given in deaths per day. Since daily mortality rates are fairly small, it is difficult to appreciate differences in size; hence, monthly rates are presented in the paper. No loss of accuracy occurs, of course, from the use of monthly rather than daily mortality rates.Google Scholar

20 Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 283.Google Scholar

21 Eltis, “Direction and Fluctuation,” pp. 293–94.Google Scholar

22 Klein, The Middle Passage, p. 174. Rawley, Transatlantic Slave Trade, p. 256, also mentions copper sheathing.Google Scholar

23 Klein, The Middle Passage, pp. 86, 198;Google ScholarCohn, Raymond L. and Jensen, Richard A., “Comment and Controversy: Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade: Statistical Evidence on Causality,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 43 (Autumn 1982), pp. 317–29,Google Scholar and The Determinants of Slave Mortality Rates on the Middle Passage,” Explorations in Economic History, 19 (07 1982), pp. 269–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Eltis, “Mortality,” has found no significant relationship between mortality rates and voyage length for particular routes. The effect of famines, epidemics, and other disasters is assessed in a number of these studies, especially in Eltis.

24 It should be noted that even these “low” rates were still substantially above those experienced in Western Europe or on the Europe-to-America immigrant trade. See Cohn, Raymond L., “Mortality on Immigrant Ships to New York, 1836–1853,” this JOURNAL, 44 (06 1984), pp. 289300.Google Scholar

25 Anstey, Atlantic Slave Trade, pp. 28–31.Google Scholar

26 Klein, The Middle Passage, pp. 147, 181.Google Scholar

27 The Portuguese trade in the nineteenth century was also subject to some limitations on the number of slaves that could be carried. However, these limits were imposed by the British and apparently were not enforced very strongly. See Eltis, “Direction and Fluctuation,” pp. 291–96.Google Scholar

28 Postma, “Mortality”, Table 9.8, p. 255.Google Scholar

29 Rawley, Transatlantic Slave Trade, pp. 23–29.Google Scholar

30 The next two paragraphs are based on Harris, J. R., “Copper and Shipping in the Eighteenth Century,” Economic History Review, 19 (12 1966), pp. 550–68;CrossRefGoogle ScholarRees, Gareth, “Copper Sheathing: An Example of Technological Diffusion in the English Merchant Fleet”, Journal of Transport History, I (09 1971), pp. 8594;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Harris, J. R., The Copper King (Liverpool, 1964), pp. 4550.Google Scholar

31 Harris, The Copper King, p. 50.Google Scholar

32 The rest of this paragraph is based on Rawley, Transatlantic Slave Trade, pp. 290–94; and Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, pp. 145–50.Google Scholar

33 Stein, French Slave Trade, pp. 145–50.Google Scholar

34 Klein, Middle Passage, p. 202.Google Scholar

35 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, p. 149.Google Scholar

36 Rawley, Transatlantic Slave Trade, p. 292. (Emphasis is added.)Google Scholar