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The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 February 2011

Traian Stoianovich
Traian Stoianovich
Affiliation:
Rutgers University
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Extract

The origins of a Balkan Orthodox merchant class or classes may be traced back to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did it become sufficiently strong in wealth and number to capture the trade of Hungary, South Russia, and the eastern Mediterranean. The eighteenth century was a time of expansion of French, German, English, and Russian trade in the Balkans. It was also a time of growth of the trade of Moslem Albanian and Bosnian merchants. But, in terms of its significance to the cultural, political, and general historical evolution of the Balkan peoples, most important of all was the expansion of the Balkan Orthodox merchant: the Greek trader of Constantinople, Salonika, and Smyrna, the Greek and Orthodox Albanian merchant, sailor, and shipper of the smaller Aegean islands, the Greek, Vlach, and Macedo-Slav muleteer and forwarding agent of Epirus, Thessaly, and Macedonia, the Serbian pig-merchant of Šumadija, the “Illyrian” muleteer and forwarding agent of Herzegovina and Dalmatia, who set up business in Ragusa (Dubrovnik) or Trieste, the “Rascian” of Pannonia, and the Greek or Bulgarian of the eastern Rhodope. The Balkan Orthodox merchants were Ottoman, Habsburg, and Russian subjects, but their principal business was to bring goods into or out of the Ottoman Empire. The area of their primary business concentration stretched north and west of the political limits of the Ottoman Empire to Nezhin in South Russia, Leipzig in Germany, Vienna in Austria, and Livorno and Naples in Italy. In western Europe, they succeeded in creating an area of secondary commercial penetration.

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The Journal of Economic History , Volume 20 , Issue 2 , June 1960 , pp. 234 - 313
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Copyright © The Economic History Association 1960

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57 Le Comte (Louis-François) de Ferrières-Sauveboeuf, Mémoires historiques, politiques et géographiques des voyages faits en Turquie (Paris, 1790), I, 128–30.

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62 For a more complete discussion of demographic and economic change in the Balkans and the profound relationship between the two, see section VI of the present study and Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” passim; Stoianovich, , “Land Tenure,” Journal of Economic History, XIII (1953), 398–411CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique, pp. 81–82, 362–66. On the economic difficulties of artisans and the extraeconomic measures they pursued to ameliorate their condition, see Ülgener, Sabri F., “La morale des métiers depuis le XlVe siècle et les critiques qui leur ont été adressées,” Revue de la Faculté des Sciences Economiques de l'Université d'Istanbul, XI, Nos. 1–4 (Oct. 1949—July 1950), pp. 62–66Google Scholar. Félix-Beaujour, Tableau du commerce, I, 130–32, draws a dark picture of general poverty and distress in spite, or rather because, of the exportation of a very large part of the rural production of Macedonia:

“Quand on considère la Macédoine sous le point de vue de ses avantages naturels, on trouve qu'il n'est aucun pays de l'Europe où les individus aient reçu plus d'aptitude au bonheur: mais quand on l'envisage sous l'aspect de ses formes politiques, on trouve que tous les fléaux d'une administration barbare semblent s'être donné la main pour desoler une des plus belles contrées de la terre par la richesse et la variété de ses produits.

“La moitié de la Macédoine est inculte: le système absurde des jachères est cause que le troisième quart ne produit rien ou produit peu; et telle est la langueur des cultures grecques, que le quatrième quart qui est mis en rapport, ne donne pas le tiers de ses produits possibles.”

On the basis of Macedonian exports, “on serait tenté de juger favorablement de l'état des cultivateurs; mais on se tromperait. Cette surabondance de productions ne prouve rien pour leur bonheur, parce qu'elle n'est point l'excédent du nécessaire. Dans les états où les paysans jouissent de la plénitude de leurs droits civils, comme dans la plus grande partie de l'Europe, rien ne se vend qu'on n'ait pourvu du moins au nécessaire; c'est alors le vrai superflu que l'on exporte. Mais dans les pays qui se rapprochent de l'état de ces contrées où une multitude de Nègres est mise en action par le fouet de quelques Blancs, l'exportation n'est jamais en proportion exacte avec. l'abondance à Là, des milliers d'individus travaillent à produire pour un très petit nombre. La, de petits tyrans réunissent la masse de travail de tout un canton, pour la dévorer seuls.… En Macédoine comme en Pologne, les paysans meurent de faim, et les seigneurs regorgent d'or.”

Beaujour is manifestly describing the čiftlik system of land tenure in Macedonia. See also Michorf, Beiträge, II. Österreichische Konsularberichte, I, 5.

63 Olivier, Voyage, II, 108–9, 114–24, 138–40.

64 lbid., pp. 163–64; Bartholdy, J. L. S., Voyage en Grèce fait dans les années 1803 et 1804 (Paris, 1807), II, 49.Google Scholar

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69 Urquhart, Turkey and Its Resources, p. 54.

70 Clarke, Travels, Part II, Section 3, Vol. IV, 286–87.

71 Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” pp. 344–45; A. N., Archievs de la Marine (hereafter cited as A. M.), B7 71, fol. 154, instructions to A. M. de Ferriol, French Ambassador to the Porte, October 17, 1703; A. N., A. M., B7 71, fol. 168, despatch to Lebret, Nov. 7, 1703; A. N., A. M., B7 75, p. 463, instructions to Ferriol, July 6, 1708; A.N., Aff. Etr. B1 384, despatch from Ferriol, Aug. 16, 1703; Svoronos, he commerce de Salonique, p. 397.

72 Stoianovich, “L'écnomie balkanique,” pp. 343–44.

73 A. N., Aff. Etr. BIII 233, Tott memoir dated July 8, 1779.

74 Baumgarten, Sandor, “Observations sur le commerce et sur les arts; notes de voyage de Jean-Claude Flachat sur la Hongrie (1740–1741),” Revue d'histoire comparée, new ser., Vol. V, No. 3 (1947). p. 86.Google Scholar

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78 Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv (Vienna) (hereafter cited as H.H.S.A.), St A. Türkei V/25, undated anonymous memoir on the commerce of Macedonia, probably written ca. 1775 (in Italian); Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique, pp. 364–66.

79 Ibid., p. 245; H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei V/25, undated anonymous memoir in Italian on the commerce of Macedonia, ca. 1775; H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei I/230, undated and unsigned memoir in Italian on the import and export commerce of Austria with Turkey and the Levant, ca. 1800–6; Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” pp. 86, 275

80 H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei V/26, “Votum des Freyherrn von Borié über den Commercien Raths-Vortrag dd° Januar 10, 1766, in Betreff der Schädlichkeit des Türkischen Handels.” Borié was a member of the Austrian Staatsrat, at least in 1767. Another contemporary source gives a considerably lower import figure, but Borié's estimate is probably closer to the truth. Cf. Marianne v. Herzfeld, “Zur Orienthandelspolitik Österreichs under Maria Theresia in der Zeit von 1740–1771,” Archiv für österreichische Geschichte (hereafter cited as AföG), CVIII (1920), 274Google Scholar, 289; Beer, Adolf, “Die österreichische Handelspolitik under Maria Theresia und Josef II,” AföG, LXXXVI (1899), 123Google Scholar, 186. The figures I have myself cited should perhaps be raised to account for smuggling.

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85 Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” pp. 163–65; Gandev, H., “T'rgovskata obmêna na Evropa s b'lgarskitê zemi prez XVIII i načaloto na XIX vêk” [European trade with the Bulgarian lands during the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth centuries], Godišnik na Sofijskija Universitet, Istorikofilologičeski Fakultet (Annuaire de l'Université de Sofia), XL (1943–1944), 24Google Scholar; (Antoine-Ignace) , Anthoine, Essai historique sur le commerce et la navigation de la Mer Noire (26 rev. ed.; Paris, 1820), p. 82Google Scholar; Ibrahim Manzour-Efendi (Cerfberr, Samson), Mémoires sur la Grèce et l'Albanie pendant le gouvernement d'Ali Pacha (Paris, 1827), pp. 301–3Google Scholar; A. N., Aff. Etr., BIII 239, memoir on the commerce of the Russians, n. d. (ca. 1751–53). Among the founders and early leaders of the Philike Hetairia were the fur traders Nicolas Skoufas and Athanasius Tsakalof. On the role of Greek fur merchants, especially those of Kastoria, see: Hadjimihali, Anghéliki, “Aspects de l'organisation économique des Grecs dans l'Empire ottoman,” Le cinq-centième anniversaire de la prise de Constantinople, 1453–1953 (L'Hellénisme contemporain, 2e série, 7e année, fasc. hors série) (Athens, May 29, 1953), pp. 272–75.Google Scholar

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95 Herzfeld, “Zur Orienthandelspolitik,” AföG, CVIII, 293; Schwartner, Statistik I, 403.

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98 Stoianovich, “L'économie balkanique,” pp. 170–71. On Adamantios Korais as an agent in Amsterdam, see Chaconas, Stephen George, Adamantios Korais; a Study in Greek, Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1942), pp. 17–20Google Scholar; on John Priggos, a wealthy Greek merchant in Amsterdam, see Stavrianos, L. S., Balkan Federation: a History of the Movement toward Balkan Unity in Modern Times (Smith College Studies in History, vol. XXVII, Nos. 1–4, Oct. 1941–July 1942, Northampton, Mass.) (Menasha, Wisc.: printed by George Banta Publishing Co., 1944), p. 8, n. 13.Google Scholar

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110 Pouqueville, Voyage en Morée, I, 518, 520; II, 265–66.

111 Ibid.; Vonderlage, Bernard, Die Handelspolitischen Beziehungen Hamburgs und Griechenlands von 1832 bis 1867 (Hamburg: Cram, De Gruyter & Co., 1954), p. 21Google Scholar; Gordon, Thomas, History of the Greek Revolution (2d ed.; Edinburgh, 1844), I. 35Google Scholar; Toynbee, A Study of History, VIII, 176n. For estimates of the size of the Greek or Greco-Albanian merchant marine in the Napoleonic and pre-independence era, see also Stavrianos, Balkan Federation, p. 31; Pepelasis, A. A., “The Legal System and Economic Development of Greece,” Journal of Economic History, XIX (1959), 176, n. 11.Google Scholar

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114 H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei I/230, undated and unsigned memoir in Italian on the import and export commerce of Austria with Turkey and the Levant, ca. 1800–6.

115 Popović, O Cincarima, pp. 314–480; Vakalopoulos, Oi dytikomakedones apodemoi, pp. 11–22.

116 Eighteenth century documents in the archives of Vienna generally refer to Woscopoli rather than Moschopolis. According to Dušan J. Popović, Woscopoli (Voskopolje) was a place in the immediate vicinity of Moschopolis. Cf. Popović, O Cincarima, p. 35n. For our purposes, Moschopolis and Woscopoli may be considered one and the same, particularly since there is some evidence to suggest that the Vlach name for Moschopolis was Woscopoli.

117 Enepekides, Polychronis K., Griechische Handelsgesellschaften und Kaufleute in Wien aus dem Jahre 1766 (ein Konskriptionsbuch) (Thessalonike: Hetaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1959). This is a transcription, without comments, o£ the portion of the document entitled “Conscription deren allhier in Wien sich befindenden Türken und türkischen Unterthanen,” which pertains to Greek, Macedo-Slav, Serbian, and Bulgarian merchants in Vienna. The Austrian “census” of Ottoman subjects temporarily residing in and doing commerce in Vienna shows the presence of 82 members of the Eastern Orthodox faith. Of the 82, five are not merchants. Of the remaining 77, two are Orthodox Serbs from Sarajevo and Trebinje (Bosnia-Herzegovina). Of the remaining 75, five are almost certainly Macedo-Slavs. Of the remaining 70, sixteen are of doubtful nationality (Greeks, Vlachs, and Macedo-Slavs) and two are Greeks or Slavs from Sofia and Niš. We can affirm the Greek nationality with certainty of only 52 merchants, and even these Greeks are for the most part of Vlach origin. Cf. H. H. S. A., St. A. Türkei V/27.Google Scholar

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119 Ibid., p. 55.

120 Vakalopoulos, Oi dytikomakedones apodemoi, pp. 13–14.

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124 Bićanić, Doba manufakture, pp. 242, 328–29; Demian, Tableau géographique, I, 50. In 1783, grains and flour represented 20 percent of the value of all Hungarian exports Cf. Robert Townson, Travels in Hungary with a Short Account of Vienna in the Year 1793 (London, 1797). p. 198.

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133 Romano, Le commerce du Royaume de Naples, pp. 75, 77; Pouqueville, Voyage en Morée, II, p. iii.

134 Kostić, Mita, “Srpsko trgovačko naselje u Trstu XVIII veka” [The Serbian merchant colony in Trieste during the eighteenth century], Istoriski Časopis, V, 1954–55 (Belgrade, 1955), pp. 175–85Google Scholar; K. N. Kostić, “Gradja za istoriju srpske trgovine,” Spomenik., LXVI, 2d cl., Book 52, pp, 161–67. Herbert, the Austrian Ambassador to the Ottoman Porte, writes in a letter dated Pera, May 2, 1780, that a certain Curtovich, Triestine merchant established in Smyrna, offered him money to induce him to solicit a firman from the Porte permitting the expedition of a shipload of olive oil from Smyrna to Trieste. Herbert explains to Cobenzl that he will not accept money for the performance of services in the interest of the development of Austrian trade. Cf., H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei V/18. Maksim Kurtović was established in Smyrna at least as early as 1766. He was then in partnership with his brother Christoph (born ca. 1739), who was carrying on the family business in Vienna. Cf. Enepekides, Griechische Handelsgesellschaften, pp. 25–26. The population of Trieste grew from a little over 7,000 in 1735 to 20,000 in 1786, 28,000 in 1790, and 33,000 in 1808. Cf. Kostić, M., “Srpsko tragovačko naselje,” Istoriski Časopis, V (1955), 168.Google Scholar

135 Ibid., pp. 175–178; Tomadakis, “Les communautés helléniques,” Mitteilungen d. österr. Staatsarchivs, Ergänzungsband, III, Festschrift, ed. Santifaller, (Vienna;, 1951), Vol. II, 459.Google Scholar

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137 Tomadakis, “Les communautés helléniques,” pp. 452, 456.

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148 Pallas, Travels, I, 484–85; Hertzberg, Geschichte Griechenlands, III, 369.

149 K. N. Kostić, “Gradja za istoriju srpske trgovine,” Spomenik., LXVI, 2d cl., Book 52, p. 167 n. The population of Odessa rose from less than 5,000 in 1799 to 15,000 in 1804. Cf. J. (oshua) Oddy, Jepson, European Commerce, Shewing New Secure Channels of Trade with the Continent of Europe (London, 1805), pp. 169–70.Google Scholar

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154 H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei V/27, “Conscription deren allhier in Wien sich befindenden Türken und türkischen Unterthanen,” dated Feb. 7, 1767.

155 (Xavier Scrofani), Voyage en Grèce de Xavier Scrofani, Sicilien, fait en 7794 et 179, trans, from Italian by Blanvillain, J. F. C., 3 vols. (Paris and Strasbourg, 1801), III, 101.Google Scholar

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168 H.H.S.A., St A. Türkei I/230, memoir in Italian on the import and export trade of Austria with the Levant, undated and unsigned, ca. 1800–6. See also Mehlan, , “Mittel- und Westeuropa,” Südostdeutsche Forschungen, III (1938), 90Google Scholar; Herzfeld, , “Zur Orienthandelspolitik,” AföG, CVIII (1920), 270–71Google Scholar

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181 Herzfeld, , “Zur Orienthandelspolitik,” AföG, CVIII (1920), 245, 293; Tomadakis, “Les communautés helléniques,” Mitteilungen d. österr. Staatsarchivs, Ergänzungsband III. Festschrijt, Vol. II, 459, Kostić, Dositej Obradović, p. 38 n. The comparison of the capital of Greek and native Austrian merchants in Vienna is from Herzfeld. Of the 134 Ottoman merchants present in Vienna in 1766, 13 were “Turks” or Moslems, 18 were Jews, 21 were Armenians, and 82 (five of these were artisans rather than merchants) were Greeks, Vlachs, Macedo-Slavs, and Serbs. An additional 134 Ottoman merchants who did business in Vienna were absent from Vienna in 1766 but expected to return in the near future. Cf. H.H.S.A. St A. Türkei V/27, “Conscription deren allhier in Wien sich befindenden Türken und türkischen Unterthanen,” Feb. 7, 1776; Enepekides, Criechische Handelsgesellschaften, pp. vi, 42.Google Scholar

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186 A. N., Aff. Etr. BIII 415, copy of a memoir presented to the Duc de Richelieu by the Student Vice-Consul Mareescheau (?), Nov. 13, 1820, entitled “Réflexions sur la situation politique et commerciale de la France dans les états du Grand Seigneur.”

187 Raicevich, Osservazioni, pp. 127–28.

188 Fournier, , “Handel und Verkehr in Ungarn,” AföG, LXIX, erste Hälfte (1887), p. 408; Marczali, Hungary, pp. 73–74; Schwartner, Statistik, I, 364–68.Google Scholar

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195 Olivier, Voyage dans l'Empire othoman, I, 204.

196 Such, in any case, is the view of Vuk Karadžić. Cf. Pisma, pp. 181–82.

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