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Sexual Utopianism in the German Reformation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 February 2009

Lyndal Roper
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Extract

When the first clerical marriage took place in defiance of church law, the Reformation embarked on a course which involved far more than mere tinkering with the moral regulation of the priesthood. Clerical marriage necessitated a reconsideration of one of the oldest Christian conundrums, the relationship between the holy and the body. Now that a life of celibacy was no longer mandatory for the clergy, and sexual abstinence was no longer considered to be the estate most pleasing to God, reformers had to build a new accommodation between sexuality and the sacred. Sexual renunciation and holiness, once indivisible, had been riven apart.

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Articles
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The Journal of Ecclesiastical History , Volume 42 , Issue 3 , July 1991 , pp. 394 - 418
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1991

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References

1 See, for the earlier period, Peter, Brown, The Body and Society: men, women and sexual renunciation in Early Christianity, New York 1988;Google Scholarand the interesting review article by John, Bossy, ‘Vile bodies’, Past and Present 224 (1989), 180–7.Google Scholar

2 Such a criticism could be made of my own work! See The Holy Household: women and morals in Reformation Augsburg, Oxford 1989. See also Steven Ozment, When Fathers Ruled: family life in Reformation Europe, Cambridge, Mass., 1983; on the English Reformation Patrick Collinson concludes ‘It was here that the family as we know it experienced its birth’: The Birthpangs of Protestant England: religion and cultural change in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, London 1988, 93.Google Scholar

3 Clasen, Claus Peter deals briefly with the issue in Anabaptism: a social history 1525–1618: Switzerland, Austria, Moravia, South and Central Germany, Ithaca 1972, 136–9, 200–7.Google ScholarDuerr, Hans Peter, in Der Mylhos vom zivilisationsprozess, I: Nacktheit und Scham, Frankfurt 1988, argues that there was a tradition of religious and sexual radicalism (pp. 308–23), but oversimplifies the varied and complex resolutions of the spirit/body dilemma which theGoogle Scholar sects reached.

4 Merry, Wiesner, ‘Women's response to the Reformation’, in Hsia, R. Po Chia (ed.), The German People and the Reformation, Ithaca 1988, 151.Google Scholar

6 I shall be using the term ‘Anabaptist’ loosely in this article, rather as Luther might have used it to refer to non-mainstream Protestants, because my interest here is not in what defines and differentiates Anabaptist sects but in the spectrum of radical views.Google Scholar

6 Klaus, Deppermann, Melchior Hoffman: soziale Unruhen und apokalyptische Visionen im Zeitalter der Reformation, Göttingen 1979, 293.Google ScholarThis excellent biography places Hoffman within the wider Anabaptist tradition, giving a slightly different assessment of the role of sexual radicalism from the one I shall develop here.Google Scholar

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9 On asceticism, not sexual promiscuity, as the impulse behind polygamy, see Stayer, ’Vielweiberei‘.Google Scholar

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17 Roper, , The Holy Household, 165–205.Google Scholar

18 Or, as others argued, it was the voice of the devil: QGT 2, Brandenburg, 263–7, Gutachten der Nürnberger Theologen und Juristen über die Baiersdorfer Wiedertäufer, 268–9, Ansbach Statthalter und Räte.Google Scholar

19 QGT 2, Brandenburg, 316, Philipp Jacob.Google Scholar

20 QGT 2, Brandenburg, 287, 312, Michael Maier; 313, Hans Kern.Google Scholar

21 QGT 2, Brandenburg, 272, Hans Schmid; 316, Philipp Jacob; 323, Else Kern.Google Scholar

22 Here one might compare the practice of ‘marital avoidance’: separation from the unbelieving spouse, which as Marion Kobelt–Groch has argued in ‘Why did Petronella leave her husband?’ was a consequence of the spiritual burden which sexual intercourse bore in Anabaptism.Google Scholar

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24 QGT 2, Brandenburg, 277, Appolonia Kern.Google Scholar

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27 QGT 2, Brandenburg, 321, Thomas Kern.Google Scholar

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29 Walter, Köhler, Zürcher Ehegericht und Genfer Konsistorium (Quellen und Abhandlungen zur schweizerischen Reformationsgeschichte x), 2, Leipzig 1942, 436–7.Google ScholarSee Roper, , The Holy Household, 1945–5 n. 51Google Scholar

30 ‘und die kinder, so der Schmid zuvor mit benanter frauen gehabt, dieselben erhalten sie jezo in gemein mit einander, wie sie dann sunst andere guter auch in gemein haben’: QGT 2, Brandenburg, 287, Michel Maier.Google Scholar

31 QGT 2, Brandenburg, 303.Google Scholar

32 QGT 2, Brandenburg, 302.Google Scholar

33 QGT 2, Brandenburg, 277, Katharina Kern.Google Scholar

34 Roper, , The Holy Household, 199–205.Google Scholar

35 I have developed this point in ‘Will and honor: sex, words and power in Augsburg criminal trials’, Radical History Review xlü (1989), 45–71.Google Scholar

36 Justus Menius was shrewdly observant of the processes of displacement here: see his Von den Blutfrunden aus der Widertauff, Erfurt, Servasius Sthürmer, 1551, fos D iv–D ür.Google Scholar

37 Goertz, Hans Jurgen, Die Täufer: Geschichte und Deutung, Munich 1980, 67–76.Google Scholar

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39 Unfortunately there is not space here to deal in detail with the Bloodfriends. But see Menius, , Von den Blutfreunden; Clasen, Anabaptism: a social history, 136–9;Google ScholarFranz, G., Urkundliche Quellen zur hessischen Reformationsgeschichte 1525–1547 (Veröffentlichungen der historischen Kommission für Hessen und Waldeck 11/2), iv, Marburg 1954, 324–7;Google ScholarHochhuth, Karl Wilhelm, ‘Landgraf Philip und die Wiedertäufer’, Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie xxix (1859), 182–96;Google ScholarWappler, , Die Täuferbewegung, 189–206, 408–94.Google Scholar

40 It also occasioned a split between him and the Strasbourg followers of Melchior Hoffman and other Anabaptists. The Münsterite advocacy of polygamy in 1534 was apparently not accepted by Melchior Hoffman in Strasbourg, who was the Munster movement's supposed inspiration. The issue continued to split the Strasbourg and Münster Melchiorites.Google Scholar

41 Published in QGT 8, Elsass ii. 321–42.Google Scholar

42 QGT 8, Elsass ii, shortly before 22 July 1533.Google Scholar

43 According to Capito's account, QGT 8, Elsass ii. 327.Google Scholar

44 QGT 8, Elsass ii. 121–2, Hedio to Musculus, 23 July 1533.Google Scholar

45 Deppermann, , Melchior Hoffman, Tafel1–4, pp. 155–69.Google Scholar

46 QGT 8, Elsass ii. 92–3, interrogation of Claus Frey.Google Scholar

47 QGT 8, Elsass ii. 208–9: ‘Sein Pfertzfelderin sey ein jungfrau vor der geburt, in der geburt und nach der geburt, dann sie hab sich jm vnterwürffig gemacht', interrogation of Claus Frey. Frey seems to be claiming that her subordination to him confers the virginal status upon her.Google Scholar

48 QGT 8, Elsass ii. 92–3, interrogation of Claus Frey: ‘In summa: er will die Pfersfelderin haben vnd sein erste eefrau nit. Sagt, sie hab jne vffden fleischbanck wollen geben... Aber nachdem die erst nit mit jme ziehen wollen, hab er alle macht gehabt, ein andere zu nemmen’(p. 93).Google Scholar

49 QGT 8, Elsass ii. Capito, 324 – he mentions the departure from Windsheim but not Frey's wife; he omits her refusal to sell the house (pp. 92–3) but describes her attendance at the pair's ‘wedding’ in Nuremberg (p. 326); her obedience and virtue are stressed (pp. 329–40).Google Scholar

50 Kohle, r, Zürcher Ehegericht, ii. 396: the stipulations of the ordinance of 1531 allowed for divorce after desertion, and the deserted party could bring the case for examination by the Marriage Court judges after a year.Google Scholar

51 Hsia, R. Po–Chia,‘Münster and the Anabaptists’, in idem (ed.), The German People and the Reformation, 55–6.Google Scholar

52 Otthein, Rammstedt, Sekte und soziale Bewegung: soziologische Analyse der Täufer in Münster, 1534–5 (Dortmunder Schriften zur Sozialforschung 34) Cologne 1966, 95–100; Po–Chia Hsia,‘Münster and the Anabaptists’, 55–6, 59; and see also Stayer, 'Vielweiberei'.Google Scholar

53 Rammstedt, , Sekte und soziale Bewegung, 104–14 and 121–7, argues that Münster Anabaptism was not a movement of the poor but of the crafts and upper bourgeoisie.Google ScholarKarl, Heinz Kirchhoff, in Die Tdufer in Münster, 1534–5: Untersuchungen zum Umfang und zur Sozialstruktur der Bewegung (Geschichtliche Arbeiten zur westfalischen Landesforschung 12) Münster 1973, 86–9, reaches a similar conclusion. Kuratsuka, Taira has recently argued that the movement included lower strata cityfolk but was led by the middle class:Google Scholar‘Gesamtgilde und Taufer: der Radikalisierungsprozess in der Reformation Mtinsters: von der reformatorischen Bewegung zum Täuferreich 1534/5’, Archiv für Reformations– geschichte lxxvi (1985), 231–69.Google Scholar

54 Roper, , The Holy Household, ch. i.Google Scholar

55 Rammstedt, ,Google ScholarSekte und soziale Bewegung, 99.Google Scholar

56 The preachers explicitly defended themselves against the credible charge that polygamy had been instituted because of'der Viller Weiber Lust': Rammstedt, , Sekte und soziale Bewegung, 98.Google Scholar

57 James, Stayer, Anabaptists and the Sword, 1972, 2nd edn Lawrence Ka. 1976.Google Scholar

58 As Schornbaum, the compiler of the Bavarian documents on Anabaptism put it in the index for his second volume, the Anabaptists of Creglingen and Baiersdorf were 'not...Baptists, but mentally ill people who were confused by hallucinations and in this condition deluded themselves that they were hearing the voice of God or of the Holy Spirit, who ordered them (amongst other things) to arbitrarily separate their marriages and live in adultery or bigamy': Karl Schornbaum (ed.), QGT5, Bayern ii, Reichsstadte, Gutersloh 1951, 312, index.Google Scholar

59 Kohler, , Zurcher Ehegericht und Genfer Konsistorium, 2; and on discipline,Google Scholar see Paul, Munch, Zucht und Ordnung: Reformierte Kirchenverfassungen im 16. und iy. Jahrhundert (Nassau– Dillenburg, Kurpfalz, Hessen–Kassel), Stuttgart 1978, 183–9,Google Scholar and William, J. Wright, Capitalism, the State, and the Lutheran Reformation: sixteenth–century Hesse, Athens, Ohio 1988, esp. 161–86.Google Scholar

60 See, for example, OGT 7, Elsass i. 233, 548–50; 0(77"8, Elsass i. 263, 266, 357, 421, 473–4–Google Scholar

61 Jorg, Vogeli, Schriften zur Reformation in Konstanz, 1519–1538 (Schriften zur Kirchen und Rechtsgeschichte 39, 40, 41), 2 vols, Tubingen 1972–1973, 1, 44iff. The Discipline Ordinance, reproduced in full by Vogeli (pp. 442–64), forms a natural climax to his history of the introduction of the Reformation into Constance.Google Scholar

62 John, S. Oyer, Lutheran Reformers against Anabaptists: Luther, Melanchthon and Menius and the Anabaptists of Central Germany, The Hague 1964, 115–16; 132–9, 248–9.Google Scholar

63 On the theological underpinnings of discipline in Anabaptist thought, allied with Anabaptist critique of the clergy, see Goertz, , Die Tdufer, 67–76.Google Scholar

64 Martin, Bucer, Deutsche Schriften, ed. Robert Stupperich, Gütersloh 1960–, 8. 249–78;Google ScholarMunch, , Zucht und Ordnung, 110–16;Google ScholarSehling, Emil (ed.), Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des xvi. Jahrhunderts, Leipzig and Tubingen 1902–1977Google Scholar, vii/i, Hessen, Tubingen 1965, 82–91, 101–12, 148–54, and Introduction, 10–23; QGT 15, Elsass iii. 293–

65 Werner, Bellardi,Google ScholarDie Geschichte der‘Christlichen Gemeinschaft’in Strassburg, 1546–1550 (Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgeschichte 18), Leipzig 1934;Google ScholarJane, Abray, The People's Reformation: magistrates, clergy and commons in Strasbourg 1500–1598, Oxford 1985, 197–8.Google Scholar

66 Deppermann, , Melchior Hoffman, 169–74; but for a different view seeGoogle ScholarJames, Kittelson, Wolfgang Capito: from humanist to reformer (Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 17), Leiden 1975, 183–6. He argues against seeing Capito as very deeply influenced by Anabaptism and spiritualism.Google Scholar

67 Deppermann, , Melchior Hoffman, 251–2.Google Scholar

68 Reprinted in QGT 8, Elsass ii. 321–42.Google Scholar

69 Kittelson, , Wolfgang Capito, 186–206, argues that Capito returned to orthodoxy by 1531–2; but as late as November 1533 Bucer's correspondence rejoices in Capito's return to the faith: QGT 8, Elsass i. 207–8.;Google ScholarBriefwechsel der Brüder Ambrosius und Thomas Blaurer 1509–1548, ed. Schiess, T., Freiburg 1908–1922, 1. 441, 453.Google Scholar

70 Kittelson, , Wolfgang Capito. This excellent biography does not, however, deal in detail with Capito's troubled married life nor his attack on Frey.Google Scholar

71 Deppermann, , Melchior Hoffman, 306–7.Google Scholar

72 ’Es kam ein sollicher trib in mich vnnd redet on vnderlass in mir, ich solte hingon vnd mich disem man underwürfflich machen, mit leib, eer vnd gut, das er mit mir machte wie er wolte', QGT 8, Elsass ii. 324. Capito claims these were her written words.Google Scholar

73 QGT 8, Elsass ii. 325.Google Scholar

74 QGT 8, Elsass ii. 337–9.Google Scholar

75 Deppermann, , Melchior Hoffman, 247;Google ScholarRoland, Bainton, Women of the Reformation in Germany and Italy, Minneapolis 1971, 85.Google Scholar

76 See, for example, Newe znttung von den Widderteuffern zu Münster: auff die Newe zeittung' von Münster D.Martini Luther Vorrhede..., n. p. 1535, fo. A iv; and Newe Zejtlung/die Widerteuffer zu Münster belangende 1535, n. p. 1535, fo. A iv. Interestingly, in one of the few images we have of Divara, queen of Münster (a copy after Heinrich Aldegrever), the clothing Divara is wearing is the same as that used by Aldegrever to depict Potiphar's wife in a series about her temptation of Joseph: Hans, Galen (ed.), Die Wiedertdufer in Münster: Katalog, Münster 1982, 190–1. She, too, is a beautiful, lustful female.Google Scholar

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78 See Kohler, , Zürcher Ehegericht und Genfer Konsistorium. Interestingly, the distinction was also retained amongst the imperial police ordinances. The Reichspolizeiordnung of 1530 contains a paragraph‘Von leichtfertiger Beywohnung’which condemns the toleration of'offentlich Ehebruch’(p. 257); and the editions of 1548 and 1577 extend this with a further paragraph on adultery: Aller des heiligen rb'mischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede, etc (1356–1654), Mainz 1660, Nicolas Heyll, 256, 468.Google Scholar

79 Bucer, , Deutsche Schriften vii, 242–3: it was when Capito was about to marry the widow Wibrandis Rosenblatt that the question arose.Google Scholar

80 Eells, Hastings, The Attitude of Martin Bucer toward the Bigamy of Philip of Hesse, New Haven 1924, 58–131.Google Scholar

81 QGT 15, Elsass ii. 511, 512, and see the satirical poem against Bucer and ’Schriftgelehrten', 516–19.Google Scholar

82 He even advised Philip on writings connected with the affair: William, Walker Rockwell, Die Doppelehe des Landgrafen Philipp von Hessen, Marburg 1904, 226–8.Google Scholar

83 Rockwell, , Die Doppelehe, 25, 35ff.,Google Scholar and see Paul, Mikat, Die Polygamiefrage in der frühen Neuzeit (Rheinische Westfalische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Voträge G294), Opladen 1988.Google Scholar

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85 Philip's attitude is generally characterised by this robust affirmation of marriage. See Müller, Gerhard, ’Landgraf Philipp von Hessen und das Regensburger Buch', in Marijn de, Kroon and Friedhelm, Krüger (eds), Bucer und seine Zeit (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts fur Europäische Geschichte Mainz, 80), Wiesbaden 1976: his marginal annotations characteristically note‘1st wieder got und paulum; teuffels lerre, die ehe zu verbiten; wellen weisser seyn dan got', p. 115. He was a firm advocate of clerical marriage.Google Scholar

86 Rockwell, , Die Doppelehe, 101–54.Google Scholar

87 Dialogus I das ist/ ein freundtlich Gesprech zweyer personen/ Da von/Ob es Göttlichem/ Natürlichem/ Keyserlichem/vnd Geystlichem Rechte gemesse oder entgegen sei/mehr dann eyn Eeweib zugleich zuhaben, n.p. n.d. It is generally agreed to have been written by Johannes, Lening, pastor of Melsungen in Hesse. By a nice irony of fate, it is catalogued in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, under Bucer.Google Scholar

88 ‘das sie sich selbst wol prüfen/vnd das recht vnderscheyden möge[n] was bei jnen böse fleyschliche lüst/vnd was bey jnen Gottes beruff vnd geschdöff sei’: Dialogus fo. Aa iiv.Google Scholar

89 Dialogus fos. AAr–AAv.Google Scholar

90 ‘die Ee vnnd jren dienst/für etwas vnreyn vnd vnheylig gehalten/darumb den menschenn das best sein solte/in die Ee nimmer kommen/das nechste nur eyn mal in die Ee kommen vnd kurtz in der bleiben’: Dialogus, fo. Aa iv.Google Scholar

91 ‘so alle weibs bilder/so Gott zur Ee geschaffen zur Ehe kommen mochten’: Dialogus fo. Aa iv.Google Scholar

92 Rockwell argues, Die Doppelehe I4ff., that the Landgrave was not influenced by Münsterite arguments for polygamy, since the use of the Biblical examples and the injunction to multiply are obviously going to be used by any defender of polygamy. But while Rockwell may be correct to maintain there was no formal influence, the arguments are clearly similar and derive from a shared milieu.Google Scholar

93 Philip's court preacher Melander was rumoured to have committed bigamy: Rockwell, , Die Doppelehe, 84–92.Google Scholar

94 A librarian by the name of Bogner argued for polygamy in 1698;Google Scholara pastor supported Edward iv Ludwig of Württemberg's bigamous marriage to his mistress: Fichtner, Paula Sutter, Protestantism and Primogeniture in Early Modem Germany, New Haven–London 1989, 77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

95 See Roper, , The Holy Household, ch. i.Google Scholar