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Moses and the Magistrate: a Study in the rise of Protestant Legalism
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 March 2011
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‘It is now disputed at every table’, declared Whitgift in 1574, ‘whether the magistrate be of necessity bound to the judicials of Moses’. Edwin Sandys told Bullinger of Zürich in the previous year that it was being maintained, to the great trouble of the Church, that ‘The judicial laws of Moses are binding upon Christian princes, and they ought not in the slightest degree to depart from them’. Though often neglected by historians as an important factor in the Reformation, the question of the validity of the Old Testament judicial (as opposed to moral or ceremonial) law frequently arises in the writings of the Reformers, and their various answers made no slight impact on the course of events. It bears directly on Henry VIII's divorce and the bigamy of Philip of Hesse; the treatment of heresy and the possibility of toleration; the persecution of witches; usury and iconoclasm; Sabbatarianism and the rise of the ‘puritan’ view of the Bible as a book of precedents, and the corresponding shift to legalism in Protestant theology. The question is also of fundamental relevance to the thought of the Reformers on natural law, the godly prince and magistrate, and the so-called ‘third use of the law’. This article is an attempt to survey, up to the end of the sixteenth century, the various interpretations of the Mosaic penal and civil laws, with particular reference to the development of legalistic tendencies after Luther.
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References
page 149 note 1 Works, ed. Parker Society, Cambridge 1851–3 (hereafter cited as PS.), iii. 576.
page 149 note 2 Zurich Letters, PS., i. 294f.
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page 151 note 1 Op. cit., II, i. Q,. 99, Art. 2, Resp.
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page 151 note 3 Ibid., Q. 100, Art. 11, Resp.
page 151 note 4 Ibid., Q.. 103, Art. 3f.
page 151 note 5 Ibid., Q.. 104, Art. 3, Resp.
page 151 note 6 Carlovingian legislation invoked Mosaic authority for the execution of magicians, ‘quos divina lex irretractabiliter punire jubet’: Lea, op. cit., 138.
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page 152 note 5 LW, xl. 92.
page 152 note 6 Cited Bornkamm, op. cit., 146, from the Table Talk.
page 153 note 1 LW., xlvii. 79ff.; Schlink, op. cit., 71f.
page 153 note 2 LW., xxvi. 363f.
page 153 note 3 Ibid., xlvii. 78, 66.
page 153 note 4 Ibid., xxxv. 167; xl. 98.
page 153 note 5 Ibid., xl. 90; xlvii. 272.
page 153 note 6 Ibid., xxxv. 170f., cf. 164ff.
page 153 note 7 Cited Bainton, ‘The Bible in the Reformation’, 15.
page 153 note 8 Luther to Spalatin, 1524, Werke, Weimarer Ausgabe 1883- (cited as WA), Br., iii. 254.
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page 156 note 2 Cited Lea, op. cit., 422.
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page 157 note 4 CR., xxi. 201.
page 157 note 5 Ibid., 198f.
page 157 note 6 Hildebrant, op. cit., 39; Ebeling, op. cit., 62f., 74.
page 158 note 1 CR., ii. 31.
page 158 note 2 CR., xxi. 1007.
page 158 note 3 Lang, art. cit., 182; Hildebrant, op. cit., 59.
page 158 note 4 CR., xiv. 829. Cf. the similar statement in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession: ‘Christ's kingdom is spiritual; it is the knowledge of God in the heart, the fear of God and faith, the beginning of eternal righteousness and eternal life. At the same time it lets us make use of the legitimate political ordinances of the nation in which we live, just as it lets us make use of medicine or architecture, food or drink or air. The Gospel does not introduce any new laws about the civil estate, but commands us to obey the existing laws, whether they were formulated by heathen or by others, and in this obedience to practice love. It was mad of Carlstadt to try to impose on us the judicial laws of Moses': The Book of Concord, ed. and trans. Tappert, , Philadelphia 1959, 222f.Google Scholar
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page 159 note 3 Ibid., xc. 707.
page 159 note 4 Ibid.
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page 160 note 7 Pauck, 23.
page 160 note 8 In relation to Henry VIII's divorce see Eells, Martin Bucer, Yale 1931, 125. For Bucer's radical teaching on marriage and divorce, see also Koch, 140ff.; Hopf, 107ff.; Wright.
page 161 note 1 Stephens, 96; Lang, Puritanismus, 25f.
page 161 note 2 LCC, xix. London 1969, 378.
page 161 note 3 Müller, 151 (not included in LCC edition of De Regno Christi).
page 161 note 4 Wright, 412. Cf. ‘Cumque melior institutio Reipublicae ea quam Dominus dedit per Moschen a nemine inveniri possit, et illa puniri et tolli sontes praecipiat: verae ac germanae charitatis opus erit, secundum illas Dei leges in sceleratos animadvertere’: cited Wendel, Calvin, the Origins and Development of his Religious Thought, Eng. Trans., Fontana 1965, 202.
page 161 note 5 Eells, Attitude, 26ff., 78ff.
page 161 note 6 Nijenhuis, 24, 44f.
page 162 note 1 Koch, 74f., cf. 69, 219. For the application to usury, see Hopf, 122ff.
page 162 note 2 Koch, 218f. (n. 59f.).
page 162 note 3 Ibid., 69.
page 162 note 4 Torrance, 87f.
page 162 note 5 LCC, xix. 377, cf. 320ff. Cf. ‘the imperial law which at no point diverges from God's law’: Wright, 410.
page 162 note 6 Eells, Attitude, 40.
page 162 note 7 Koch, 185.
page 162 note 8 Eells, Martin Bucer, 16, 26f.
page 163 note 1 Troeltsch, i. 347, cf. 257ff.
page 163 note 2 Ibid, 347f.
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page 164 note 1 Pentateuch, CTS, ii. 75.
page 164 note 2 Doumergue, v. 699; Baur, 82ff.
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page 164 note 4 Bohatec, 14ff.; Baur, 36f.; Wendel, 201f.; Doumergue, v. 667.
page 164 note 5 II Corinthians, CC., 45; cf. Galatians, CC., 67.
page 164 note 6 Doumergue, v. 681.
page 164 note 7 Institutes, IV, xx, 14, 16 (trans. Beveridge).
page 164 note 8 Ibid., 15.
page 164 note 9 Ibid., 16. Cf. Bohatec 27ff.; Baur, 59ff., 83.
page 165 note 1 For Calvin and natural law, see Bohatec, 27ff.; Baur, 47ff., 71ff.; Lang, ‘The Reformation and Natural Law’, 193. Lang is criticised by Doumergue, v. 465ff.
page 165 note 2 Bainton, Castellio, ad. lib.; Lecler, i. 226–232, 263, 350ff.; ii. 76; and, for the Anabaptists, Ibid., i. 179, 191.
page 165 note 3 Hinrichs, Carl, Luther and Müntzer: ihre Auseinandersetzung über Obrigkeit und Widerslandsrecht, Berlin 1952, 31f.Google Scholar, 172ff.; and for Müntzer's use of the Old Testament, Rupp, E. G., Patterns of Reformation, London 1969, 240, 260.Google Scholar
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page 165 note 8 Ibid., i. 342.
page 165 note 9 Ibid., i. 209ff., 412f.
page 165 note 10 Paulus, 162ff.
page 165 note 11 Decades, ii. 217–236.
page 166 note 1 Ibid., 280ff.
page 166 note 2 Works, PS., ii. 323–331.
page 166 note 3 Ed. Cardwell, Oxford 1850, 47ff. For background see Spalding, J. C., ‘The Reformatio … and the furthering of discipline in England’, Church History, XXXIX (1970).Google Scholar
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page 166 note 5 Ibid., 273.
page 167 note 1 Strype, Life of Whitgift, Oxford 1822, i. 151.Google Scholar
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page 167 note 3 Ibid., iii. 225.
page 167 note 4 Ibid.
page 167 note 5 Rogers, The Catholic Doctrine of the Church of England: an Exposition of the XXXIX Articles, PS., 90, cf. 350.
page 167 note 6 Strype, ii. 13.
page 168 note 1 Ibid., 17.
page 168 note 2 Cf. Ibid., 20, 71; iii. 237.
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page 168 note 6 Ibid.
page 169 note 1 Ibid., 233, citing Works, ii. 520.
page 169 note 2 Ibid., 229f., citing Works, i. 64; ii. 251f.
page 169 note 3 William Perkins, ed. I. Breward, Appleford 1970 599f. (= Works, iii. 639).
page 169 note 4 Lang, Puritanismus, 110 f.; Burr, 203ff.
page 169 note 6 Works, ed. Laing, Edinburgh 1846, iii. 37f.
page 169 note 7 Ibid., v. 229ff., 224.
page 170 note 1 The Writings of Henry Barrow, 1587–1590, ed. Carlson, L. H., London 1962, 199; Lecler, ii. 392ff.Google Scholar
page 170 note 2 Barrow, 602.
page 170 note 3 Ibid., 599.
page 170 note 4 Ibid., 599f.
page 170 note 5 Ibid., 75.
page 171 note 1 Works, ed. Keble, Oxford 1845, iv, xi.
page 171 note 2 Ibid., III, x., 1–4. For a summary of Hooker's hierarchy of law, see Shirley, F. J., Richard Hooker and Contemporary Political Ideas, London 1949, 71–92Google Scholar. For Hooker and Aquinas, see Munz, P., The Place of Hooker in the History of Thought, London 1952, 49–59Google Scholar, 175–193. See also W. D. J. Cargill Thompson, ‘The Philosopher of the “Politic Society”: Richard Hooker as a Political Thinker’, in Studies in Richard Hooker, ed. Hill, W. Speed, Cleveland and London 1972Google Scholar. The present study confirms his view that ‘the sixteenth-century Reformers did not, as one school of modern historians has maintained, either reject or even substantially modify the traditional medieval concept of natural law’ (29). But it also documents why I cannot accept that Hooker's claim that the reformists would like to replace civil with Biblical law (Pref. viii., 4) was made ‘without a shred of evidence’ (15).
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