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The Jeronimites in Spain, their Patrons and Success, 1373–1516

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 March 2011

J. R. L. Highfield
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Extract

In the middle of the fourteenth century the Castilian Church was suffering severe strains. Falling rents exacerbated by plague were affecting many monasteries and making it difficult for them to maintain discipline. At the same time the nature of the regime of Pedro 1 drove a distinguished group of secular clergy into exile in France and Italy. An alternative reaction lay in seeking the eremitical life, and this was to lead to the remarkable phenomenon of the Jeronimite Order. The cause of ecclesiastical reform was to be sustained by both exiles and hermits.

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Articles
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The Journal of Ecclesiastical History , Volume 34 , Issue 4 , October 1983 , pp. 513 - 533
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1983

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References

1 Somalo, J. Revuelta in Historia General de España y America, Madrid 1981, v. 192Google Scholar.

2 Revuelta, J., Los Jerónimos, Fundaciónyprimera expansión (1373–1414), Guadalajara 1982Google Scholar, i, and cf. Madrid, I. de in Diccionario de Historia Eclesiáslica de España (hereafter cited as DHEE), 4 vols., Madrid 1972–5, ii. 1229–31Google Scholar; Sicroff, A. A., ‘The Jeronymite monastery of Guadalupe in 14th and 15th century Spain’, in Collected Studies in honour of Américo Castro's eightieth year, Hornik, M. P. (ed.), Oxford 1965, 397–422Google Scholar. I am much indebted to Sr Revuelta for kindly sending me a copy of his book.

3 Sigüenza, José de, Historia de la Orden de San Jerónimo, García, J. Catalina (ed.) (Nueva Biblioteca Autores Españoles (hereafter cited as BAE), 2 vols., Madrid 1907–9, i. 13Google Scholar. The great historian of the Jeronimite Order sometimes fails to cite his sources. He is naturally less reliable on the centuries before the founding of the order in 1373 than on those thereafter. Revuelta is often able to cite the original documents on which Sigüenza relied and sometimes to correct him. Fernando Y´ñez was chief chaplain of the capilla de los reyes viejos in Toledo Cathedral (Pedro de la Vega, Cronica de losfrayles de la orden del bienaventurado Sant Hicronymo (Alcal´ 1539), fos. ix r–xv in Madrid, Ignacio de, ‘La Bula fundacional de la Orden de San Jerónimo’, Yermo, xi, 1–2 (1973), 5–6Google Scholar, and in Studia Hiennymiana, Madrid 1973Google Scholar.

4 Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 79–95 and tables at 80–1.

5 Sigüenza, i. n, cf. Revuelta, 80–1. For Fern´n Rodríguez Pecha as chamberlain to Alfonso xi and Pedro 1, see also Martín, L. V. Diaz, Los Oficiales de Pedro de Castillo. Estudios y documenlos, Valladolid 1975, xxxv. 52Google Scholar.

6 Revuelta, 85.

7 Ibid., 80–7; Sigüenza, i. 11. He exchanged San Rom´n for the lordship of Atanzón in the Alcarria, twelve kilometres north-east of Lupiana, and acquired mills on the river Henares and properties for life from the Order of Calatrava.

8 Revuelta, 88. His headquarters were his houses in Guadalajara in the parish of Santiago.

9 Sigüenza, i. 12; for the chapel of the Trinity, see Serrano, F. Layna, Guadalajaray sus Mendozas, Madrid 1942, i. 95–6Google Scholar, where the date of foundation is given as 1332. For Pedro Fern´ndez ‘de Guadalajara’ as repostero mayor, cf. Diaz Martin, Los Oficiales, quoting Ayala, Cronica de los Reyes de Castillo, Cronica de don Pedro, BAE, Madrid 1953, cap. v. 406Google Scholar.

10 Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 112–14. He held a diocesan synod in 1368 (cf. Duque, B. Jiménez, ‘Santa Brígida de Suecia († 1373) y los jerónimos españoles’, Yermo, xii, 1–2 (1974), 3–14Google Scholar).

11 Sigüenza, Hisloria, i. 53.

12 Oro, J. García in Historia de la Iglesia en España, Garcí-Villoslada, R. (ed.), iii, pt. 1, Madrid 1980, 239–43Google Scholar. The observant house of La Salceda was set up by San Pedro Regalado in 1384. The outstanding observant, Fray Juan de la Puebla, began life as a Jeronimite at Guadalupe (Oro, J. Garcí, Cisnerosy la reforma del clero español, Madrid 1971, 165Google Scholar), and see below p. 530).

13 On the instruction of Benedict XIII the Jeronimites were helped at their first Chapter General (1415) by the advice of two Carthusian monks from El Paular (Gómez, I. M., ‘Jerónimos y Cartujos’, Yermo, xi, 1–2 (1973), 148–50Google Scholar; Sigüenza, Historia, i. 277–80 and esp. 279).

14 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 13–14.

15 Ibid., i. 6.

16 For Vasco's hymns of Jacob, strongly influenced by Jacopone da Todi, see ibid., i. 198–9, 201–2, 204–5. He went on to Portugal, but returned eventually to found the house of San Jerónimo de Valparaiso de Córdoba in 1405. He was said to have been of the noble house of Sousa (MS. Escorial, Ç. III. 4, fo. 113r. This is from a compilation of accounts of the foundations of Jeronimite monasteries in a late sixteenth-century hand.) No attempt is made in this article to trace the story of the Jeronimites in Portugal.

17 Alcina suggests that seven or eight of the disciples became foci for anchorites living at Castañar and Villaescusa (cf. Alcina, L., ‘Fray Olmedo y sus discutida obra mon´stica’, Yermo, ii, 1 (1964), 30Google Scholar.

18 About 19 kilometres from Lupiana.

19 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 8, 67–8.

20 MS. Escorial &. II. 22 (a Jeronimite compilation in a late sixteenth-century hand), fos. 2333–2343. But cf. Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 280–4.

21 Anlonius Magnus Eremita 356–1956, Steidle, B., O.S.B., (ed.), Studia Anselmiana, xxxviii (1956)Google Scholar; esp. G. Garritte, ‘Le Texte grec et les versions anciennes de la vie de St. Antoine’, 1–12 and J. Leclercq, ‘St. Antoine dans la tradition monastique mediévale’, 229–47.

22 Moorman, J. R. H., A History of the Franciscan Order, Oxford 1968, 216–25Google Scholar.

23 Alcina, ‘Fray Olmedo’, quoting Constitutiones et privilegia Fratrum Praedicantium Ordinis Sane Li Hieronymi, Venice 1520, and Constitution delle Fratre Eremitani di San Girolamo congregatione del b. Pietro di Pisa, Viterbo 1614.

24 Alcina, op. cit., 29.

25 Ibid., 30.

26 Knowles, M. D., The Religious Orders in England, Cambridge 1948, i. 199–201Google Scholar.

27 On 8 October 1372 (cf. Rano, B., O.S.A., , ‘El monasterio de Santa María del Santo Sepulcro en Campora (Florencia) y la fundacion de la Orden de San Jerónimo’ in Studia Hieronymiana, Madrid 1973, i. 100–2Google Scholar.

28 Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 124.

29 Cf. B. Rano, ‘El monasterio’.

30 The bull of foundation, ‘Sane Petitio’ (15 or 18 October 1373) was said by Sigüenza to have been kept at Lupiana (Historia, i. 28). For the text and facsimile, see Ignacio de Madrid, ‘La bula fundacional de la orden de San Jerónimo’ in Studia Hieronymiana, i. 57–74, and ‘Los monasterios…’ in Yermo, v, 2 (1967), 110 and n. 14Google Scholar.

31 Arch. Segreto Vat: Reg. Avin. 191, 405–6, in Revuelta, Historia, 134.

32 By Diego Martínez ‘de la Cámara’, uncle of Fray Pedro Fernández Pecha and chamberlain to Alfonso xi; he died in 1338 (cf. Sigüenza, Historia, i. 20, Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 89).

33 I. de Madrid, ‘Los monasterios…’, no.

34 Lettres secretes el curialts du Pape Grégoire XI, Mollat, M. (ed.), Paris 1962, no. 2505 (1 March 1374), ii. 16–17Google Scholar.

35 Vega, A. Custodio, ‘Los “soliloquios” de Fray Fernández Pecha, fundador de los Jerónimosen España’, Ciudadde Dios, clxxv (1962), 710–63Google Scholar. He died at Guadalupein 1402.

36 Garcí Oro in Historia de la Iglesia, iii, pt. 1, 234.

37 In September 1390 (ibid., 236, and cf. Revuelta in Historia General de Españay América, v. 216–17).

38 Their names were Maria Garcí and María Gómez. They had come from Toledo where they were to inspire the setting up of a beatario of holy women, incorporated into the Jeronimite Order in 1510 as the house of San Pablo de Toledo (Sigüenza, Historia, i. 53, cf. Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 145, 300–5).

39 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 57, Revuelta, 145–6.

40 Sigüenza, i. 131–6, Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 272–5.

41 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 339–43, who gives his name as ‘Roberto’, but cf. Madrid in DHEE, iii. 1695. Another crucial step was to secure the support of Isabel de Avila, widow of Ruy González de Avellaneda, who agreed to divert the considerable endowment which Ruy González had wished to be used to found a monastery of Jeronimites in Santa Maria de Viñas, Aranda de Duero, to Nuestra Señora de Prado, cf. Archivo Historico Nacional (hereafter cited as AHN), Clero, carpeta 3512, no. 18; 1513, nos. 3 and 4. The majority of monastic books and documents seized at the time of the disendowment of 1835 are to be found in the Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid. For details, see now Gerbet, M.-C., ‘La Orden de San Jerónimo y la ganadería’, Boletín de la Real Academia de Historia (hereafter cited as BRAH), clxxix (1982), 220Google Scholar n. 6. Some material, however, never reached Madrid. This is especially true of the books and documents of Guadalupe.

42 Cf. VI Semana de Estudios Mondsticos, España Eremítica, Analecta Legcrcnsia, Pamplona 1970, i. 165–210Google Scholar. The Rule of St Benedict had envisaged that anchorites or hermits would have served a mature probation in monasteries where they would have learned by the example of their fellow-monks how to fight the devil (Western Asceticism, Chadwick, O. (ed.), Library of Christian Classics, xii (1958), 293–4Google Scholar).

43 Decretum II, c. xviii, q. II, c. 17 in Corpus Juris Canonici, E. Friedberg (ed.), Leipzig 1879, i. 834.

44 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 126–7, Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 241 and n. 904.

45 Fray Juan de la Cruz had been commissioned to write the chronicle of the Jeronimite Order at the same time as Sigüenza had been asked to write the life of Pecha. His ‘Historia de la Orden de San Jerónimo’ was finished in 1591 (MS, ESC. &-II-19, fos. 14–157) and is unpublished.

46 Sigüenza, Historic, i. 152–4, Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 275–6. Canon Oznaya was also archpriest of Latas.

47 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 63–4; Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 155–6. The hermits secured the support of the bishop of Avila.

48 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 118–20, Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 282.

49 Colombás, Garcí M., m.b., ‘Los últimos ermitaños de Montserrat’, Yermo, ix, 1 (1971). 3–68Google Scholar.

50 A. Robles, ‘Los ermitas de Cordoba hasta 1613’, in Espa&a Eremítica, 543–50; J. Avices, ‘Los ermitaños de Córdoba como congregación religiosa’, ibid., 551–69; A Year in Spain by a young American, 2 vols., 1831, ii. 131–9; J. L. Adolphus, Letters from Spain, London 858, 224–5; Ford, R., Handbook for Spain, 2 vols., London 1845, i. 301–2Google Scholar.

51 Fernández, L. Suárez, ‘Don Pedro Tenorio, arzobispo de Toledo (1375–99)’ in Homenajea don Ramón Menéndez Pidal, Madrid 1953, iv. 601–27Google Scholar; Sigüenza, Historia, i. 109–12. The group included Alvaro de Isornia, bishop of Cuenca, Gutierre de Toledo, bishop of Oviedo and the king's confessor, Illescas, Fray Fernando de, O.F.M., (F. Javier Fernández Conde, Gutierre de Toledo, obispo de Oviedo (1377–1380), Oviedo 1978, 24–5Google Scholar.

52 For the importance of Guadalupe, see below p. 524 and n. 62 and Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 168–221. For San Bias de Villaviciosa, Sigüenza, Historia, i. 109–12; Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 229–34; for the archbishop's connection with Fray Pedro Fernández ‘porque le tenia cerca’, see Sigüenza, Hisloria, i. 116, Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 235. For Santa Catalina de Talavera, ibid., 234–40.

53 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 343–5. The archbishop was an uncle of Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, first count of Alba.

54 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 352–3. In 1462 the count of Salinas asked the Jeronimites to take over the house of Benevívere at Aguilar of which he was patron (ibid., i. 378). This must have been Diego Gomez Sarmiento, though he only in fact became count of Salinas in 1466.

55 Ibid., i. 129–31, Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 247–8.

56 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 325–9, on the petition of the count of Niebla to Pope Eugenius iv who confirmed the transfer in May 1435, despite the protests of the abbot of Morimond.

57 Sigüenza, Hisloria, i. 113, Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 221–7, MS, Escorial, Ç. III. 4, fo. 209r.

58 MS. Escorial, Ç. III. 4, fo. 244V, Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 156.

59 AHN, Clero, carp. 576, nos. 6–11 bis and 13. Sigüenza describes the king as having been ‘muy devoto de laorden yen particular deesteconvento’ (Historia, i. 47, cf. Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 139–40).

60 5 April 1384 (AHN, Clero, carp. 2.963, no. 3 and leg. 7.082, cf. Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 149 and nn. 408–9). The king had endowed perpetual chaplaincies in La Sisla for prayers for his father and for himself in September 1383 and had given cruets, chalices and vestments (AHN, Clero, carp. 2.967, no. 9 and carp. 1.963, no. 18 in Fernández, L. Suarez, Historia del reinado de Juan I, Madrid 1977, i. 367Google Scholar and nn. 42–3; AHN, Clero, leg. 7.083.) He added to these gifts in his will (BN MS. 6932, fo. 267 in Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 149 and n. 407).

61 Cuadra, L. de, Catálogo-Inventario de los documentos de Guadalupe, Madrid 1973, nos. 164–6 (14 January and 15 August 1389)Google Scholar.

62 Ibid., nos. 71 (22) and nos. 137–40 (38–9). For the aggressive policy of territorial acquisition pursued by Priors Toribio Fernández and Juan Serrano, cf. Tudela, M. I. Perez de, ‘Guadalupe y Trujillo, una ilustración sobre sus relaciones’ in En la España Medieval, Quesada, M-A. Ladero (ed.), Madrid 1980, 329ffGoogle Scholar.

63 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 114. He is called ‘el gran protector de esta religion'rsquo; (ibid., 140); cf. AHN, Clero carp. 3.4206 and 7.584 and Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 224–5 and n. 801.

64 Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 224 and n. 796; MS. Escorial, Ç. III. 4, fo. 209r.

65 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 140.

66 ‘Libro de la fundación y erection deste monasterio de Nuestra Señora de la Sisla’, 16th-century Ms. in Archivo de El Parral, fos. 17–18, in Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 166 and n. 507.

67 He was to be an executor of the king's will in which John said of him ‘de quien yo tengo cargo por los buenose leales servicios que me ha hechoe fase cada dia’, Memorias de don Enrique IV de Castillo, Fita, F. (ed.), 2 vols., Madrid 1913, ii. 241Google Scholar.

68 For his grant of 30,000 maravedis of juro to the newly founded monastery of Nuestra Señora de Prado, see AHN, Clero, carp. 3.516, n. 16; Sigüenza records ‘hizo muchas mercedes a la orden de San Geronimo, heredando de su padre el aficion. Ansi le ha sucedido siempre a esta Religion y parece herencia suya el favor y patrocinio de los reyes’ (Historia, i. 360).

69 Cf. Melida, J. R., Calálogo Monumental. Provincia de Cáceres, 3 vols., Madrid 1924, ii. 151–2Google Scholar.

70 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 303.

71 MS. Escorial, Ç. III. 4, fos. 163r and v. Enrique was personally present for the handing over of the site on 10 December 1447 (AHN, Clero, carp. 1.968, no. 10; cf. also Sigüenza, Historia, i. 346–50).

72 Ibid., i. 350.

73 Ibid., i. 373–4. The change of site was licensed in 1502.

74 Catálogo del inventario de…Guadalupe, no. 540, p. 138. His confessor, Fray Pedrode Mazuela, was a Jeronimite from Madrid.

75 MS. Escorial, &. II. 22, fo. 10; Phillips, W. D., Enrique IV and the Crisis of Fifteenth-century Castile, Cambridge, Mass. 1978, 76Google Scholar.

76 Sigüenza, Historia, ii. 16. ‘Queremos ofrecer las primicias de nuestra devocion, por muchos respetos; en especial, porque esta vuestra orden es natural, nacida y crecida en estos nuestros Reynos.’ (The Catholic Monarchs to the ‘Padres Definidores’ of the Order, 20 January 1474).

77 In 1490 the queen gave her confessor 75,000 maravedis so that he could arrange to have a silver statue of a saint made to be presented to the Jeronimite house of San Juan de Ortega (A. Represa, ‘Archivo General de Simancas. Indice de documentatión sobre la Orden Jerónima (1336–1809)’, no. 676 in Sludia Hieronymiana, ii. 635).

78 Azcona, Tarsicio de, Isabel la Católica, Madrid 1964, 249Google Scholar.

79 Fernández, L. Suárez and Alvarez, M. Fernández in Historia de España, Pidal, R. Menendez (ed.), xvii, pt. 2, Madrid 1969, 476Google Scholar.

80 Gaibrois, M. Ballesteros, La Obra de Isabel la Católica, Segovia 1953, 374Google Scholar.

81 Sigüenza, Historia, ii. 42–3.

82 Ballesteros Gaibrois, op. cit., 399; the Franciscan foundation was a double one.

83 Sigüenza, Historia, ii. 101–4. The Jeronimites chose Fray Luis de Sevilla or Figueroa, prior of La Mejorada, to be in charge, and with him Fray Juan de Salvatierra, Fray Alonso de Santo Domingo of La Sisla, prior of San Juan de Ortega and Fray Bernardino de Coria or Mancanedo, professed of Ortega. They reached Hispaniola on 24 December 1518.

84 Sigüenza, ibid., i. 101.

85 Ibid.

86 Ibid., i. 104.

87 Zurita, Anales, ii. 290–1 in Delachenal, R., Histoire de Charles V, 5 vols., Paris 1927–31, iii. 273Google Scholar.

88 Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 286–7; Archivo del Reino de Valencia, M. Racional, 9586, I, published in T. Camarena Mahiques, Colección de documentos para la historia de Gandía y su comarca, no. xiii in Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 287 and n. 1. 124 and cf. n. 1. 125. For Cotalba and La Murta, see also Pecourt, M. D. Cabanes, Los monasterios valencianos en el siglo XV, 2 vols., Valencia 1974Google Scholar.

89 Sigüenza, Historia, ii, 51–2.

90 Ibid., ii. 80.

91 Ibid., i. 294–7.

92 Ibid., i. 116.

93 Ibid., i. 150–1. The foundation stone had been laid in 1535 with the permission of the bishop of Zamora, Francisco de Mendoza.

94 Ibid., i. 303–7.

95 Sigüenza, Hisloria, i. 77.

96 Ibid., i. 57–8. Pedro González de Mendoza (d. 1385), chief chamberlain of the ‘Infante’ and citizen of Guadalajara married as his first wife María Fernández Pecha; she was the sister of Pedro Fernández Pecha (AHN, Clero, carp. 576 no. 1 and cf. Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 91).

97 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 57–8.

98 Ibid.

99 Ibid.

100 Ibid., ii. 291–2. Preaching seems to have been an important function of the Jeronimites. Was it ‘penance preaching’ only? It does not seem so, though that had been a feature of eremitical preaching in twelfth-century France.

101 Escritores Místicos Españoles, Mir, M. (ed.) (Nueva BAE), Madrid 1911, 94–103Google Scholar; Bordona, J. Domínguez, ‘Algunas precisiones sobre Fray Hernando de Talavera’, BRAH, cxliv (1959), 229Google Scholar.

102 He was Enrique Enríquez, Comendador Mayor of Leon, Admiral of Sicily, chamberlain of Ferdinand (Sigüenza, Historia, ii. 80). The other four Spanish houses were Guadallona (Franciscan), San Domingo, Velez del Marqués de Alcañizes (Dominican), Baza (Franciscan) and Santa Clara, Baza (Clarisses).

103 AHN, Clero, Códices 1175 B, fo. iv.

104 Muñoz, E. Cabrera, El Condado de Belalc´zar (1444–1518), Cordoba 1977, app. no. 34, pp. 447–5 and 184, n. 26Google Scholar.

105 Sigüenza, Historia, ii. 60, cf. AHN, Clero, Libros, 18. 989. He died in the monastery in 1509.

106 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 403–8. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza was bishop of Palencia, 1473–8. Another of its benefactors was licentiate López Medel, who had been an oidor in Mexico and administrator of the royal hospital of Montes de Oca. He endowed and paid for the decoration of a chapel.

107 Sigüenza, Historia, i. 298–301. He died 13 September 1433.

108 Ibid., ii. 14–15. The bulls of Sixtus iv for the erection of Santa Paula were made at the request of Ana Santillana, widow of Pedro Ortiz, an alderman; she was herself to be received into the nunnery as a religiosa.

109 Hernandez-Díaz Tapia, M. C., Los Monasteries de Jerónimas en Andalucía, Seville 1976, 13–14Google Scholar.

110 Sigüenza, Historia, ii. 82–6.

111 Ibid., i. 277–80 and Madrid, ‘Los monasteries…’, 112. They were helped in their first chapter by the advice of two Carthusians, see above p. 515. Eight volumes of Acts of the Chapters General survive. The two oldest volumes are Archivo General del Palacio, Palacio Real, Madrid, leg. 1. 790. The six more modern volumes are kept at El Parral (cf. Revuelta, Los Jerónimos, 29, 35).

112 Born at Olmedo of the ancient family of González, he was a graduate of Perugia University and the friend of Martin v. A lawyer at the Curia, he had become Doctor of Both Laws; as a diplomat he had been an envoy to Enrique in and Juann of Castile. Sigüenza alleges that he actually became a Carthusian (Historia, i. 308, 310). His brother was certainly prior of the Carthusian house of El Paular (cf. Alcina, ‘Fray Olmedo…’, 33–4. 36).

113 A bull of 26 May 1428 confirmed the rule despite the decree of the Fourth Lateran Council against new orders (Alcina, ‘Fray Olmedo’, 40 and cf. Sigüenza, Historia, i. 325).

114 That is to say the Spanish houses were reunited at the request of Philip II. The Italian ones remained independent until those of Lombardy were dissolved by Joseph ii and the remainder were closed down by Gregory xvi. (Cf. Garcí Oro, Historia de la Iglesia, iii, pt. 1. 252–3).

115 Sigüenza, Historia, ii. 31–2; Hillgarth, J. N., The Spanish Kingdoms, 1230–1316, 2 vols., Oxford 1976–8, ii. 421–2Google Scholar; Tarsicio de Azcona, ‘Dictamen en defensa de los judíos conversos de la orden de San Jerónimo a principios del siglo XVI', Stud. Hier., ii. 349–80.

116 Sigüenza, Historia, ii. 34–5.