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The Curial Exequies for Edward I and Edward III
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 March 2011
Extract
It is not generally known that solemn exequies were performed for Edward I at Poitiers in the presence of the pope, Clement V; that these exequies were the first exequies held in the curia for a king; that they supplied the model for the corresponding ceremonial in the office for the dead laid down in Ordo Romanus XIV which was composed by cardinal James Gaetano Stefaneschi; and that, furthermore, the liturgical details of a canonisation ceremony shown in the same Ordo Romanus (OR.) were modelled on the ceremonial actually observed at the canonisation of St. Thomas Cantelupe of Hereford in 1320. Lastly, attention must be directed to the apparently also unknown exequies solemnly performed for Edward III at Anagni on 3 September 1377, again in the presence of the pope, Gregory XI.
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page 26 note 1 We cite according to Mabillon's numeration of the Ordines Romani. See Mabillon, , Museum Italicum, Paris 1689, ii–1Google Scholar. 1 ff.; Ordo Romanus XIV is on 246 ff. The fifteen Ordines of Mabillon were reprinted in Migne, P.L., lxxviii. 851 ff. The reference in the text is to cap. 114, P.L., lxxviii. 1254.
page 26 note 2 Cap. iii, P.L., lxxviii. 1249–50.
page 26 note 3 Museum Calvet, Avignon, MS. 1706. I desire to express my thanks to the Librarian, M. Georges de Loyes, for a microfilm.
page 26 note 4 Ehrle, F., ‘Zur Geschichte des päpstlichen Hofzeremoniells im 14. Jahrhundert’ in Archiv f. Literatur und Kirchengeschichte v (1889). 565Google Scholar ff.
page 26 note 5 Ehrle, art. cit., 574 ff.
page 26 note 6 Ehrle, art. cit., 569.
page 27 note 1 Labande, L. H., ‘Le cérémonial Romain de Jacques Cajétan: les données historiques qu'il renferme’ in Bibl. de l'école des chartes, liv (1893). 45 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.
page 27 note 2 MS. cit., f. 15V.; Labande, art. cit., 48. For other examples see ibid., 47. The cardinal's narrative of the canonisation of Celestine V in his Opus metricum (a biography of the canonised saint) is understandable only when this eye-witness report is taken into account, cf. Seppelt, F. X., Monumenta Coelestiana (in ‘Quellen und Forschungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte’, ix, Paderborn 1921)Google Scholar, 14, 125–34, and editorial notes ibid.
page 27 note 3 Labande, art. cit., 55–9.
page 27 note 4 Ibid., 61–7.
page 27 note 5 For the decree concerning the canonisation see Lettres communes de Jean XXII, ed. Mollat, G., Paris 1906Google Scholar, ii. 86, no. 11249; Charters and Records of Hereford Cathedral, ed. W. W. Capes, Hereford 1908, 190–4; Extracts from Hereford Cathedral Registers, ed. and translated by E. N. Drew, Hereford 1932, 50–2. For modern literature on Thomas see T. F. Tout in D.N.B., s.v. Cantelupe; Douie, D., Archbishop Pecham, Oxford 1952, 217Google Scholar; SirPowicke, Maurice, The Thirteenth Century, Oxford 1953, 488–90Google Scholar; and Usher, D., Two studies of medieval life, Cambridge 1953, 89 ffGoogle Scholar. (a more popular account). The 17 miracles worked by St. Thomas and closely gone into by the special commissioners at Hereford, are examined in the manner of the ‘advocatus diaboli’ by Bannister, A. T., The Cathedral Church of Hereford, London 1924, 169–75Google Scholar. Altogether 221 miracles were said to have been worked by him. The voluminous evidence is set forth in the Acta Sanctorum, October, i. 539–610.
page 27 note 6 See OR.XIV, cap. 111; Labande, art. cit., 55 n. 2; Ehrle, art. cit., 568 n. 3; and H. Leclercq in Diet, d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, xii–2 (1936), col. 2434: ‘Le MS. d'Avignon représente une copie du premier état de la rédaction de Jean Cajétan, lequel écrivait au fur et à mesure l'ordre et le détail des cérémonies auxquelles il venait d'assister.’
page 28 note 1 Andrieu, M., Le Pontifical Romain au Moyen Age (Studi e Testi, lxxxviii, Città del Vaticano 1940), iii. 41Google Scholar.
page 28 note 2 For this see Hösl, Ig., Kardinal Jacobus Gaietani Stefaneschi, Berlin 1908, 96–105Google Scholar; also Leclercq, loc. cit., col. 2433. For other writings of Stefaneschi see Hösl, 34 ff. One of his chaplains in 1320–1322 was the Englishman Thomas of Wilton, canon of Wells and London (Calendar of Papal Registers: Papal Letters, ed. W. H. Bliss, ii. 82, 153, 206, 225) and a lecturer in theology at Paris (cf. Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, ed. Denifle-Chatelain, , Paris 1891, ii. 240Google Scholar, no. 791). Dante appears to have been a friend of the cardinal; see Hösl, 127 f. Like so many high clerics at that time, the cardinal was never in priest's orders and remained all his life a deacon. He was created a cardinal by Boniface VIII and died on 23 June 1343, 73 years old. He was a witness of the Anagni outrage and a life-long opponent of France: in December 1304 he collected a number of votes as papal candidate in the same conclave that eventually elected Clement V. In parenthesis it may be mentioned that the English cardinal Walter Winterbourne—created by Benedict XI—was at the same time a strong papal candidate having received half of the votes of the College. For these details see H. Finke, Aus den Tagen Bonifaz VIII, Munster 1902, 283–4 and the report in document no. 14, pp. lix ff. The entry in D.N.B. s.v. Winterbourne, needs some rectification. Considering the anti-French attitude and Bonifacian loyalty of Stefaneschi the history of the fourteenth-century papacy would have been a little different, had he actually been elected pope.
page 28 note 3 Cf. Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages, London 1954, 225 ff.Google Scholar, 253 ff.
page 29 note 1 See OR.XIV, cap. 107, P.L., lxxviii. 1245. For further details see Andrieu, op. cit., ii. 288 and iii. 41. The entry in the MS. is from fol. 18r–20r. OR.XIV, cap. 107, contains this statement: Rubrica, quae inferius ponitur, fuit ordinata de mandate domini Clementis pape V per aliquos cardinales, quibus hoc in consistorio commissum fuit, cum Robertus, rex Siciliae, cum sua conjuge peteret unctionem et coronationem apud Avinionem, ubi tunc Romana curia residebat. Nam nihil inveniebatur in litteris traditum, qualiter reges et reginae debent inungi et coronari, eo quod in pontificali Romano non habetur nisi de unctione et coronatione imperatoris et imperatricis. The MS. itself has this statement appended to the ordo composed for the coronation of Charles of Anjou: Sciendum quod multa ex supradictis quae acta sunt in coronatione prefati regis, non tam approbata quam tolerata fuerunt per dominum papam et fratres ipsius, unde non oportet quod omnia in exemplum trahuntur; transcribed by Labande, art, cit., 73.
page 29 note 2 Cf. also Leclercq, quoted supra, 28 n. 2. The report of the coronation of Charles of Anjou in this MS. seems to have been the first notice of Stefaneschi. He was then a young chaplain of Nicholas IV; see Hösl, op. cit., 13, 101.
page 29 note 3 These shorthand memos may be regarded as the forerunners of the fully-fledged diaries kept by the curial Masters of Ceremonies at a later period. One of these diaries (for December 1515) is dealt with by Bishop, E., Liturgica Historica, Oxford 1918, 435Google Scholar ff.
page 29 note 4 It has only 50 folios. For a full description see Andrieu, op. cit., iii. 35 ff.
page 30 note 1 At the time of Edward II's death the curia had settled in Avignon.
page 30 note 2 Lizerand, G., Clément V et Philippe le Bel, Paris 1910, 65 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 30 note 3 Lizerand, op. cit., 67.
page 30 note 4 See Regestum Clementis papae V, ed. cura et studio monachorum ordinis s. Benedicti, Rome 1885, no. 1845 of 3 August 1307. There may, of course, have been other letters before 3 August which took cognisance of the king's death, but none could be found in the Registers. Not all the letters were enregistered. Clement V's Registers are in no way different from the thirteenth-century papal Registers; cf. Bock, F., ‘Einführung in das Registerwesen des Avignonesischen Papsttums’ in Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, xxxi (1941). 1Google Scholar. For some Clementine Register fragments in later Register volumes and unknown to the editors, see E. Göller, ‘Mitteilungen und Untersuchungen über das päpstliche Register und Kanzleiwesen im 14. Jahrhundert’, ibid., vii (1904). 81–2.
page 30 note 5 See Reg. cit., Appendix vol. i, Rome 1892, 42, for the week ending 28 July 1307: Item Andreutio domini Gentilis pro rebus portatis ad ecclesiam sancti Petri, clavis et reportatura ipsarum rerum ad cameram domini VII solidos et III denarios Turonensium parvorum. For the week ending 4 August the following two items are of interest (ibid., 43): Item Nicolao et Stephano spetiariis pro XV quintallis cum dimidio cere et II libris et III unciis ad XVIII florenos cum dimidio pro quintallo expensis pro exequiis domini E. regis Anglie de mandato domini nostri CCLXXXI florenos auri et II Turonenses grossos. The other entry follows: Item Tadiolo servienti pro operibus factis in ecclesia sancti Petri Pictavensi, quando fuerunt dicte exequie facte ibi VII libras, XVIII solidos et IX denarios Turonensium parvorum. About the contemporary value of these units cf. Tangl, M., ‘Das Taxwesen der päpstlichen Kanzlei vom 13. bis Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts’ in Mitteilungen d. oesterr. Instituts f. Geschichtsforschung, xiii (1892). 13–15Google Scholar (with further literature). For the expenses incurred by the camera see König, L., Die päpstliche Kammer unter Clemens V und Johann XXII, Vienna 1894, 56–68Google Scholar.
page 31 note 1 See ibid., 40: Item pro feno III clericorum qui venerunt de Anglia XXXIII solidos et VI denarios Turonensium parvorum. There may be a clue to the identity of these three clerics. In Calendar Pat. Rolls, 1301–1307, 533, bishop William Gainsborough Worcester obtained for 6 men, three of whom were clerics, on 28 June 1307, royal protection as they were to proceed with him ‘to the court of Rome on the king's affairs’. These three clerics were: Gilbert de Aketoft, William de Stoketh, Robert de Wychio. Two days before his death, on 5 July, Edward wrote from Carlisle to Clement about the mission of William Gainsborough (Rymer, Foedera, ed. London 1816, i–2. 1017) and it is likely that the bishop himself was the bearer of this letter. Also on the same day Edward addressed the cardinals. Whilst there is at least a theoretical possibility that the bishop's three clerics may be the arrivals to whom the entry refers, it is certain that the bishop himself never reached the pope at Poitiers: he fell ill and died at Beauvais on 16 September 1307. About the consequences of his death and the wrong entry in Rymer, see Appendix (C).
page 31 note 2 Cf. Durantis, , Rationale divinorum officiorum, Lyons 1612Google Scholar, lib. vii, cap. 35, 452 ff.
page 31 note 3 See OR.XIV, cap. 114, P.L., lxxviii. 1254. There was no stipulation here that the cardinal bishop of Ostia should be the celebrant: Notandum quod papa non consuevit celebrare solemniter missam pro defuncto, quantumcumque rege magno, sed facere celebrari solemniter et praedicari coram eo per unum episcopum vel presbyterum cardinalem, vocatis omnibus cardinalibus. At the exequies for Edward III it was the cardinal bishop of Glandève who was the celebrant: he did not become ‘Ostiensis’ until April 1378.
page 32 note 1 He mentions himself in OR.XV, cap. 80 (P.L., lxxviii. 1324): Ita vidi ego Frater Petrus Amelii, Senegaliensis episcopus, observari tempore domini Urbani V, Gregorii XI et Urbani VI Romanorum pontificum. In cap. 90, 1336: Fuerunt facti illo anno (1378) per Fratrem Petrum episcopum Senegaliensem sacristam XXIV agnus. Cf. also cap. 139, 1348; cap. 142, 1349; cap. 150, 1358. A number of additions were made to this OR. in the fifteenth century. A modern critical edition of these later ORi. is very much wanted.
page 32 note 2 See Gatticus, J. B., Acta Selecta Caeremonialia Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, Rome 1753, 170Google Scholar.
page 32 note 3 For this see F. Ehrle, Historia Bibliothecae Romanorum Pontificum, Rome 1890, 735–7. Peter Amelii composed a valuable descriptive catalogue of the Avignonese library shortly before the curia returned to Rome: it is edited by Ehrle, ibid., 454–560. He also wrote the Itinerarium from Avignon to Rome to which he refers in OR.XV, cap. 142; P.L., lxxviii. 1349. The entries in Eubel, C., Hierarchia Catholica Medii Aevi, Munster 1893, i. 266Google Scholar, 473, relating to Peter, need some rectification.
page 32 note 4 Thus the lengthy description of the canonisation of St. Bridget of Sweden in this OR.XV, cap. 153 (7 October 1391), follows the model provided by Stefaneschi's description of St. Thomas's and Celestine's canonisation. Kemp, E. W., Canonization and Authority in the Western Church, Oxford 1948Google Scholar, 128 n. 2, has drawn attention to the description of St. Bridget's canonisation. In cap. 75 (P.L., loc. cit., 1315), Peter quotes Stefaneschi as his authority: secundum Jacobum Gaietani. Cf. also cap. 77, 1319 and cap. 85, 1331. This OR.XV has in fact many more concrete details of ceremonies which occurred under Gregory XI, Urban VI and Boniface IX than OR.XIV. The author must have kept a very close watch on the ceremonies and detailed records. An interesting case is that of cap. 143. It describes the ceremonial which takes place when a pope is on his death-bed. Now Stefaneschi had in his notes his eye-witness report on the dying Benedict XI (f. 8r., MS. cit.), but in his OR.XIV there is no corresponding entry about this death-bed ceremonial. There is no doubt that Stefaneschi's notes served Peter Amelii as a useful guide for the composition of cap. 143. Cf. also Ehrle, art. cit., 584, and the transcript from the Avignon MS. ibid., 585–6.
page 33 note 1 See OR.XV, cap. 132–4, 138.
page 33 note 2 For a description of MS. Vat.Urb.469 see H. Ehrensberger, Libri Liturgici Bibl. Apostolicae Vaticanae, Freiburg 1897, 559. More details will be found in Stornajolo, C., Codices Urbinatis Latini, Rome 1902, i. 474–5Google Scholar. The first 72 folios contain OR.XIV of Stefaneschi. The passage on fol. 78v, describing Edward III's exequies, is immediately followed by reports about exequies performed in the presence of anti-popes at Avignon, such as Clement VII and Benedict XIII. The last date mentioned is 23 January 1408. But there is no indication at all that Peter Amelii had left Rome and gone over to Avignon: moreover, he died in 1401 (see Ehrle, op. cit., 737). What seems a possible explanation, without autopsy, is that this entry in the Vat. MS. was made by some Avignonese liturgist of the early fifteenth century who had conscientiously copied Peter Amelii's report and appended his own accounts. The description of Edward III's exequies is continued thus: Ita quoque servatum fuit Avinione tempore domini Clementis VII quando decesserunt…. All these exequies reported seem to have been based on the Edwardian ones. The whole passage will be found in Gatticus, loc. cit.
page 33 note 3 That is ‘chanted’. The terms ‘cantus’ and ‘nota’ were interchangeable, cf. M. Andrieu, op. cit., ii. 469 no. 19, note 1.
page 33 note 4 This was Nicholas Alberti de Prato, O.P. (bishop of Spoleto), created by Benedict XI on 13 December 1303: C. Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica, i. 13.
page 34 note 1 This does not seem to have been a recognised liturgical or extraliturgical head gear: it is not mentioned in any earlier OR.
page 34 note 2 For the three kinds of papal mitres see Gregory X's OR.XIII, cap. 12, P.L., lxxviii. 1114. For details of this OR. see Andrieu, op. cit., ii. 277 ff., especially 286 ff. The passage runs: Notandum est quod dominus papa tres mitras diversas habet, quibus diversis temporibus utitur, scil. unam albam totam, unam cum aurifrisio in titulo sine circulo et mitram aurifrisiatam in circulo et in titulo. For the historical development of papal head gears cf. Growth of Papal Government, 311 ff. See now also Schramm, P. E., Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik, Weimar 1954, 54 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 34 note 3 This is obviously a shorthand and somewhat inelegant abbreviation for: nec dixit: Sit nomen Domini benedictum (the usual prayer text, cf. OR.XIV, cap. 45, P.L., lxxviii. 1140).
page 34 note 4 For this see OR.XIII, cap. 11, P.L. lxxviii. 1113 = ed. Andrieu, ii. 540 sub no. 91: Nota quod semper papa offert pannum sericum super altare cuiuscumque ecclesie, cum primo eius altare ascendit. Would the statement in the text therefore indicate that the exequies for Edward provided the first opportunity of the pope's visit to the altar in the cathedral?
page 34 note 5 Cf. OR.XIII, cap. 20, and OR.XIV, cap. 80 f.
page 34 note 6 Cf. OR.XIV, cap. 53.
page 34 note 7 See supra note 3.
page 34 note 8 This is obviously a scribal mistake of the copyist. He either inserted thoughtlessly the ‘non’ or misread a ‘nunc’ or something like it. If the ‘non’ is excised, the sentence makes perfect sense.
page 35 note 1 This was cardinal bishop Bertrand de Lagery, O.M., who became Hostiensis the following April.
page 35 note 2 About them cf. Andrieu, op. cit., ii. 368 no. 41; 367 note 12; 456 note 5 ad no. 7. For a liturgical explanation of the gloves see Durantis, Rationale, ed. cit., lib. iii, cap. 12, 75–6.
page 35 note 3 Kissing of the pope's feet is mentioned in the eighth-century OR.IX, cap. 4, P.L. lxxviii. 1006.
page 35 note 4 About this antiphon cf. OR.XIII, cap. 5, P.L., lxxviii, 1108 = ed. Andrieu, op. cit., ii. 530 no. 18.
page 35 note 5 With this should be compared Stefaneschi's account of the illuminations provided at Edward I's exequies. Is this perhaps a reflexion of the financial position of the camera in 1377 as compared with that 70 years earlier? Cf. the expenses incurred, supra p. 30 n.5.