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Athenagoras on Christian Ethics
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 March 2011
Extract
At first sight Athenagoras's treatment of Christian ethics in his Supplicatio pro Christianis xi and xii appears to be anti-philosophical. According to Athenagoras the Christian way of life is based on doctrines taught by God and not by man. Ethical precepts are not derived from dialectical exercises, but are Christian dogmas which come from God and through Scripture (xi p. 128, 11 ff.). The basis for his discussion of Christian ethics is a conflation of Mt. v. 44 f. and Lk. vi. 28 (xi p. 128, 14 ff.). This represents a change in his method of argumentation from his earlier theological discussion (vi–x) where he proceeded on the basis of reasoning (λογισμοὐς) which was then confirmed by Scripture (ix p. 126, 29 ff.). Furthermore, for him ethics is motivated by a knowledge of the Trinity (xii p. 129, 17 ff.) and is the following of correct knowledge governed by an expectation of the Judgment (xii p. 129, 3 ff.). However, Geffcken and Ubaldi have shown that Athenagoras uses certain philosophical traditions in this discussion, and that his attack on the sophists was in good philosophical form. This article will examine Athenagoras's method of argument to determine more clearly what philosophical models he did in fact use.
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References
page 1 note 1 References are to the edition of Geffcken, J., zwei grieschische Apologeten, Leipzig-Berlin 1907.Google Scholar
page 1 note 2 For the importance of the Judgment for Athenagoras, see Supplicatio xxxi–xxxvi, and De Resurrectione Cadaverum xviii ff. The authenticity of the latter work has recently been challenged by Keseling, P., in ‘Athenagoras’, R.A.C., i (1950), 881–8Google Scholar and Grant, R. M., ‘Athenagoras or Pseudo-Athenagoras’, H.T.R., 47 (1954), 121–9Google Scholar. The arguments advanced against its authenticity appear less than cogent. The edition used is that of Schwartz, E., Oratio de Resurrectione Cadaverum (T.U. iv), Leipzig 1888–93.Google Scholar
page 1 note 3 Op. cit., 183 f.
page 1 note 4 Ubaldi, P., La Supplica per i Christiani, Turin 1920, 48.Google Scholar
page 1 note 5 It should be noted that Athenagoras describes his royal readers as philosophers in xi p. 128, 19, a habit he regularly follows when he implicitly represents Christian doctrine as being philosophical. Cf. ii p. 121, 20 ff.; p. 122, 18 ff.; ix p. 126, 31 f.; p. 127, 20 ff.; xvii p. 132, 25 ff.; xviii p. 133, 32 ff.
page 1 note 6 Only the main lines of his argument will be traced here. His language betrays his philosophical background throughout. E.g. with the Christians' purification of themselves (xi p. 128, 24; xii p. 129, 4.22), compare Xenonophon, Symp. i, 4, 5; Epictetus, ii, 21, 15 f.; with the statement that they are escorted through life (xii p. 129, 17) compare M. Aur., ii, 17; with the proverb that tasting even a small portion of whey and honey will suffice to test the whole (xii p. 129, 28 f.) compare Lucian, Hermotimus 58 ff.
page 2 note 1 So reads the paraphrase by Barnard, L. W., ‘The Embassy of Athenagoras’, V.C., 21 (1967), 92Google Scholar. Barnard's criticism of other translations of ξακοστου μετ πολλς κραυγς is justified, but it is another matter as to whether his interpretation supports the view that Athenagoras addressed the emperors face to face.
page 2 note 2 Leg., 626D. Aristotle, An. Pr., 1, 32 uses νγειν for reducing a syllogism to one figure.
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page 2 note 4 It is regularly understood in this way by translators who do not do justice to π in the translation.
page 2 note 5 Cf. Philo, In Flaccum 4, where παρρησα describes someone who shows his mind by actions as well as speech.
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page 3 note 1 Cf. Lucian, Menippus 21; Helm, op. cit., 37 f.
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page 3 note 4 Accepting Maran's reading, αυτοῖς.
page 3 note 5 Cf. also πιδεικνυμνους and πιδεικνουσιν (p. 128, 34).
page 3 note 6 ἆρα τονυν; Suppl. xii p. 129, 3.
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page 3 note 9 Geffcken, op. cit., 185.
page 3 note 10 For the tradition, see Geffcken, ibid.
page 4 note 1 E.g. Plato, Euthypkro 3D; Plutarch, De genio Soc., 593A; De comm. not., 32 1075E.
page 4 note 2 Plutarch, De. rep. Stoic., 38 1051E.
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page 4 note 6 De rep. Stoic., 38, 1051E.
page 4 note 7 De sera num. vindicta, 1, 548C ff. Aulus Gellius, Noct. Att., vii. 14. 5, also informs us that the reasons for punishment were a topic of concern among Platonists, and that Calvisius Taurus had treated the subject in his commentary on Plato's Gorgias.
page 4 note 8 De sera num. vindicta, 18, 560F.
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page 5 note 1 De Res., xviii p. 69; 30 ff.; xix p. 71, 21 ff. Cf. Fischer, J. A., Studien zum Todesgedanken in der alten Kirche, Munich 1954, 18Google Scholar; ‘Athenagoras discards the nihilistic view death, since continued life after death is for him a requirement of his belief in providence and morality, a basis which he also finds in Plato’.
page 5 note 2 Cf. also Plato, Apol., 40C.
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page 5 note 6 Strom., iv. 14. The idea is developed further in Strom., vii. 3, where Clement describes the true Gnostic's assimilation to God.
page 5 note 7 Cf. Kabiersch, J., Untersuchungen zum Begriff φιλανθρωπα bei dem Kaiser Julian, Wiesbaden 1960.Google Scholar