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Rufinus and the Logic of Retribution in Post-Eusebian Church Histories
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 February 2009
Extract
It is no secret that the great orthodox ecclesiastical historians of the fourth and fifth centuries were purveyors of the new Christian imperial ideology. They as much as any group of writers laid the foundations of Byzantinism, by demonstrating from the course of events how it paid for emperors to be pious according to the prescriptions of the Catholic tradition, or how much better it was for the security, prosperity and destiny of the Roman Empire when the state and the (true) Church were consonant and false religion abandoned. So successful was the campaign in which they were engaged that by the sixth century, even though virtually all the Western provinces had fallen into barbarian hands, a clash between Church and State had become unthinkable, and no other ‘single hope for the permanency of the Empire’ had become possible but ‘the favour of God Himself, as Justinian, the energetic champion of reunification, proclaimed to all his successors.1 Such sentiments were in large measure the results of the works of those who had created attractive historical images of good Christian rulers.2 It was above all Eusebius Pamphilus, Tyrannius Rufinus, Socrates ‘Scholasticus’, Salmaninius Sozomen, Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Gelasius of Cyzicus who bequeathed to future generations an unblemished, idealised picture of Pax Constantiniana, a paradigm also reinforced by other Christian historians such as Lactantius and Athanasius.3 It was Rufinus who set the
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References
1 [Justinian 1] Corpus Juris Civilis, ed. Schoell, R. and Kroll, W., Berlin 1928, iii. 517; Gerostergios, A., ‘The Religious Policy of Justinian I and his Religious Beliefs; unpubl. PhD diss., Boston University School of Theology, Ann Arbor 1974, 210 (University Microfilm).Google Scholar
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19 HE v. 39 (sect. 40 is a kind of appendix). On the question of chronological misplacement see n. 8 above and observe that Theodoret locates Constantine's letter prior to the Council of Tyre in 335 (i. 27).
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33 E.g. Grant, R. M., Miracle and Natural Law in Graeco-Roman and Early Christian Thought, Amsterdam 1952;Google ScholarMeslin, M., Le Christianisme dans I’empire romaine, Paris 1970, esp. p. 168;Google ScholarThdlamon, F., Paiėns et Chrétiens au IVe siècle; l’apport de l‘Histoire ecclésiastique’ de Rufin d’Aquileé, Paris 1981, pt. 3.Google Scholar
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38 Students should note that, in their masterly edition, Mommsen and Schwartz have chosen to present two tenth books of Rufinus, the first of these placed in beside Eusebius' Greek whenever an attempt at translation appears to apply (thus pp. 859–63, 893–903, before Rufinus' own book x, pp. 957 ff.).Google Scholar For discussion of Rufinus' decision not to translate Eusebius' panegyric, see Oulton, J. E. L., ‘Rufinus’s translation of the Church History of Eusebius’, Journal of Theological Studies xxx (1928), 152.Google Scholar
39 Here we accept Rufinus’ and not Gelasius of Caesarea's authorship of the two additional books, following especially Peeters, P., ‘pLes débuts du christianisme en Géorgie’, Analecta Bollandiana 1 (1932), 5–58;Google ScholarDiekamp, F., ‘Gelasius von Caesarea in Palaestina’, Orientalia Christiana Analecta cxvii (1938), 16–32,Google Scholar and Murphy, Rufinus, 160–3 rather than Glas, A., Die Kirchengeschichte des Gelasios von Kaisareia, Leipzig 1914, 1–3.Google Scholar See also n. 3 above. Note also Photius, Codex 189 on his view that Gelasius merely translated Rufinus' history: Treadgold, W. T., The Nature of the Bibliotheca of Photius, Washington 1980, 63.Google Scholar
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42 For background in Eusebius see Trompf, ‘The logic of retribution’, 137.Google Scholar
43 HE x. 1, 16, 21, 25; xi. 3, 20, cf. Eusebius, HE ii.1, 13; iii. 26–32; iv. 22–4; v. 4, 13–19 etc. (heresies), Rufinus x. 1, 12–14, 22, 28; xi. 3, 10, etc. cf. Eusebius, esp. ii. 2, 4.19–20; v. 6; vi. 34–46 (Alexandria and Rome), Rufinus x. 7–9, 37–9; xi. 5, 20, cf. Eusebius, i. 9–13; iii. 5–10; iv. 6; v. 12; vi. 8–9; vii. 32. 29, etc. (Holy Land, Edessa, etc.), Rufinus, x. 6, 14 (Alexander on Athanasius as a youth), 17 (parts of a report on interchange in council proceedings), 29, Eusebius, i. 11.13; ii. 17, 23–5; iii. 37–9; iv. 15; v. 1; vi. 41–5 etc. (easily identifiable quotations), Rufinus, x. 5, 8–10, 35, 37–9; xi. 4, 29–30, cf. Eusebius, esp. v. 4.4; viii. 7.2–6, (the miraculous). For further backgroundGoogle Scholarsee Grant, R. M., Eusebius as Church Historian, Oxford 1980, chs vi-x.Google Scholar
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45 Rufinus omits references to the 6: of the tyrants at the end of Eusebius’ work [HE ix. 7.2; x. 8.2) and thus transfers the emphasis on overcoming tyrannical impiety to the end of his work instead. He also knows by hindsight that the confidence Eusebius expresses in Constantine's sons is ill-founded (Eusebius, HE x. 9.9) and leaves the phrase Koci TOTS OUTOO iraiaiv untranslated. On the other hand, while surely knowing of Theodosius I'S untimely death, he transposes the notion of imperial foresight to this emperor instead (HE xi. 34), and does not even report the death, even though, as we can easily learn elsewhere, Theodosius had to make ad hoc arrangements from his death-bed: Socrates, HE v. 36, Sozomen, HE vii. 29, Theodoret, HE v. 24.Google Scholar
46 According to J. Straub, who has made too much of comments in HE xi. 13 interpreting them as a statement of Rome's decline: ‘ Christliche Geschichtsapologetik in der Krisis des romischen Reiches’, Historia i (1950), 55. Note too that Rufinus did not always translate Eusebius' TrpovoTcc as providentia but as sometimes dementia (e.g. HE iii. 7–8), and also as in HE viii. 1.7–8 translates T 6EICC xpi'ais as divinaprovidentia. For significant uses of providentia in his own history, see xi. 19, 28, and also xi. 1. (divina dementia), 29 (Dei favor).
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51 Ibid. 127–8.
52 Ibid. 127–32. See also Christensen, , C. Galerius Valerius Maximinus, Copenhagen 1974, 103ff.Google Scholar
53 Cf. Lactantius, De mortib. persec. 24. Christensen suggests Rufinus and Lactantius both used a common ‘imperial’ source here: Rufinus, 130.Google Scholar
54 Ibid. 140, and also 142–3.
55 Ibid. 192.
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62 See Philostorgius, HE vii. 1; Socrates, HE iii. 11 (the closest to Rufinus in this); Sozomen, HE v. 1–3, Theodoret, HE iii. 1 (more emphasis on ‘concealed impiety for a considerable time’).Google Scholar
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64 Cf. Orosius, Hist. adv. Pag. vii. 35. See also Zosimus, Hist. nov. iv. 46; Socrates, HE v. 14; Sozomen, HE vii. 14.Google Scholar
65 Rufinus probably develops a parallel here with Eusebius’ account of the Christian seditio and its tyrannical elements, which emerged before Constantine conquered the three tyrants (HE viii. 1.7–8) (see also nn. 12–13 above).Google Scholar
66 For other Latins extolling Theodosius’ victory over tyranny, see esp. Paulinus of Nola, apud Gennadius, De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, 49; Prudentius, Contra Symmachum i. 41 off.; Ambrose, De obitu Theodosii, PL xvi. 1385ff. See also King, Emperor Theodosius, 90–2.
67 Trompf, Recurrence, 235; idem. ‘The logic of retribution’, 138–9 on Eusebius, yet neglecting Rufinus.
68 See esp. HE i. 8.8; ii. 1.12; 7; iii. 5.6, 7.1, 8; v. 1.26; ix. 10.14 ipoena); i. 8.3; ii. 6.8; ix. 11.1 {ultio); ii. 10.1; iii. 5.3; v. 1.60 {vindicta).
69 Thus HE i. 1.2; iii. 7.8–9, 11.1. See also n. 39 above and Trompf, ‘Logic’, 136.
70 Yet see Socrates, HE iii. 1,21; Sozomen, HE vi. 2, Theodoret, HE iii. 8–9. Note also Philostorgius, HE vi. 5; vii. 15 for comparisons.
71 In his favour see Snee, R., ‘Valens’ recall of the Nicene exiles and anti-Arian propaganda’, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies xxvi (1985), 395–419,Google Scholar although she does not consider these historiographical points. Orosius, Hist. adv. Pag. vii. 33 agrees with Rufinus on the recall.
72 Note that neither Zosimus nor Rutulius Namatianus mention Alaric's sack of Rome in the West! See also n. 46 above.
73 Hist. adv. Pag. vii. 35.
74 Long before comparable accounts by the Greek continuators Socrates, Sozomen and Theodoret, Augustine provides a variant of this incident in De civitate Dei v. 2.6. See also Orosius, Hist. adv. Pag. vii. 35.
75 Both emphases at xi. 33. Rufinus characterises Eugenius as pagan when he was probably a Christian with pagan supporters (King, Emperor Theodosius, 83); and the presbyter is vague about the losses incurred against his Gothic auxiliaries. See e.g. Zosimus, Hist. nov. v. 58; Socrates, HE v. 35; Sozomen, HE vii. 34.
76 Thèlamon, esp. pp. 468–72 and passim.
77 Brown, P., ‘The problem of Christianization’, unpublished seminar paper, 9 Apr. 1991, Dept. of History, University of Sydney 1991.Google Scholar
78 In the history Lucius has had more pejorative things said about him than any other person, probably because of the vehemence expressed in oral sources during his time in Alexandria.
79 See x. 2–5, 11–21, 27–9, 33–4 with Athanasius’ Apologiae, De Synodis, etc. in mind. Yet see Socrates HE ii. 1 where the accusation is that Rufinus does not have enough information about Athanasius' career (see below). Note also the quotation (x. 6) of the Nicene decisions. Perhaps Sabinus was more important for Rufinus as a source of documents: Socrates, HE i. 8,Google Scholar and Lohr, W. A., ‘Sabinus ofHeraclea: a reassessment of the scope and tendency of his work’, unpublished paper, 10th International Conference on Patristic Studies, Oxford 1987.Google Scholar
80 Hist. Arian. esp. i. 7; ii. 14; vii. 57, cf. iv. 30, vii. 51, on the retributive emphasis, and Constantius as AntiChrist: viii. 67.
81 At least by 415: Altaner, B., ‘Augustinus und Eusebios von Kaiserea. Eine quellenkritische Untersuchung’, Byzantische Zeitschrift xliv (1951), 1ff.Google Scholar
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83 E.g. Terence, Eunuchus ii. 2.44; Cicero, Tusc. Oral. v. 26.69 [vicissitudo); Augustus apud Suetonius, Claud. 4 {fluctio as alternation).
84 ‘Vopiscus’, Vita Cari {Script. Hist. Aug.) i. 2. One Alexandrian tradition of thought – history as a process of avco KCH KOCTCO – may lie behind both the Eusebian and Rufinian methods. See Trompf, Recurrence, i. 1678.
85 Idem. ‘Augustine's historical theodicy’, 292ff.
86 Idem. Recurrence, i. 222–5. Orosius would be better characterised as an historian of recurrent disasters than of vicissitudes (p. 225).Google Scholar