Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 March 2011
One dinnertime in the early 1540s Thomas Seymour, brother to the future Lord Protector, arrived at Lambeth Palace with an urgent message from the king to the archbishop of Canterbury. He found Cranmer's household at their meal in the great hall, the company sitting in due order under the watchful eyes of the senior officials of the establishment. Seymour was warmly received by the archbishop in his chamber and a meal was pressed upon him; then he was sent on his way with the appropriate response for the monarch. The occasion was more than a routine one for an exchange of messages: indeed it may have been deliberately contrived by Henry vm, with or without the connivance of the archbishop, to force the courtier literally to eat his words. Seymour had been busy denouncing Cranmer for keeping no hospitality ‘or house correspondent with his revenues and dignities’, but, instead, for wasting his income on the purchase of lands for the benefit of his family. When the king enquired of him about the adequacy of the Canterbury household he was, grudgingly, forced to admit ‘he be not in the realm of none estate or degree that hath such a hall furnished, or that fareth more honourably at his own table’. Henry seized the opportunity to lecture the assembled company on the dangers of seeking after episcopal wealth. So long as the prelates continued to dispense hospitality he would not, he asserted, allow them to be despoiled by laymen who had already dispersed the wealth of the monasteries. As for the archbishop he was above reproach and a model to all his fellows ‘for he spendeth (ah, good man) all that he hath in housekeeping’.
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21 Most valuable of all are the surviving household ordinances, though they have to be used with caution as a guide to the actual practices of these great establishments. The Northumberland ordinances, for example, are more elaborate than the normal practice of the Percy household. The Northumberland Household Book, ed. T. Percy, London 1770. For a good summary list of the ordinances in print see Girouard, M., Life in the English Country House, New Haven 1978, 319–20Google Scholar.
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35 Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 106, no. 348. The document is printed, without all the annotations, in Wilkins, D., Concilia Magnae Britanniae, London 1737Google Scholar, iii. 862. It should probably be associated with the acts of the Convocation of 1541 which was much concerned with similar regulatory measures.
36 Foxe, Acts and Monuments, viii. 13.
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38 Ibid., 444.
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43 Strype, Parker, iii. 287–91. Hearne is almost certainly right in his conjecture that it was Parker who had the details of the Neville and Warham feasts published. The printing format of the Bodley roll is almost identical with that of the Corpus Christi dietary, cited above, which is known to have been published at the archbishop's initiative.
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57 Paule, Life of Whitgift, 78.
58 Heylyn, Cyprianus Anglicus, 300.
59 Paule, Life of Whitgift, 77–8.
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61 Paule, Life of Whitgift, 84–5. Dictionary of National Biography, Abbot.
62 LPL, MS 884. The main Cranmer/Parker series in the MS is followed by three other sets of ordinances. D is specifically dated to Juxon's archiepiscopate immediately after the Restoration. Neither B nor C as any date or attribution, but B can be placed later than 1622 on internal evidence. It is possible that B dates from the later years of Abbot's rule and C from the 1630s.
63 LPL, MS 1730, fo. 7.
64 LPL, MS 884.
65 Ibid., The Cranmer ordinances lay particular emphasis on the need for commensality and communal harmony.
66 Ibid., Ordinances B.
67 LPLMS 1730.
68 LPL, Estate MSS 1415–19. See Heal, F., ‘Archbishop Laud revisited’, in O'Day, R. and Heal, F. (eds), Princes and Paupers in the English Church, Leicester 1981, 134Google Scholar.
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