Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gbm5v Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-25T18:54:41.918Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A Veto Player Theory of Policymaking in Semipresidential Regimes: The Case of Taiwan's Ma Ying-Jeou Presidency

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 March 2016

Abstract

Why did the unified government led by Taiwan's president Ma Ying-jeou experience gridlock? In this article, I answer this question by modifying the veto player theory to explain how policies are made in Taiwan's semipresidential system, in which the president can unilaterally appoint a premier who is accountable to the national legislature. Given this constitutional design, the premier represents the president rather than the legislature, so the agenda setter is either the legislature or the president. A veto player model shows that the legislature, as a collective veto player, has the last-mover's advantage when it sets the agenda and that the two executive heads are more likely to be incongruent if a policy has to be deliberated by the legislature. The president sets the agenda only if he can discipline the legislators in his party and the legislature is not allowed to amend an executive proposal. This theory explains why policies involving lawmaking give Taiwan's Legislative Yuan considerable bargaining powers, even to the disadvantage of the president. These theoretical arguments are confirmed by hypothesis-based case studies and can be generalized to study other semipresidential regimes.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © East Asia Institute 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Andrews, Josephine T., and Montinola, Gabriella R.. 2004. “Veto Players and the Rule of Law in Emerging Democracies.” Comparative Political Studies 37, 1:5587.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Baylis, Thomas A. 1996. “Presidents Versus Prime Ministers.” World Politics 48, 3: 297323.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Beliaev, Mikhail V. 2006. “Presidential Powers and Consolidation of New Post-communist Democracies.” Comparative Political Studies 39, 3: 375398.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carey, John M., and Shugart, Matthew Soberg. 1995. “Incentives to Cultivate a Personal Vote: A Rank Ordering of Electoral Formulas.” Electoral Studies 14, 4: 417439.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Croissant, Aurel. 2003. “Legislative Powers, Veto Players, and the Emergence of Delegative Democracy: A Comparison of Presidentialism in the Philippines and South Korea.” Democratization 10, 3: 6898.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cunningham, David E. 2006. “Veto Players and Civil War Duration.” American Journal of Political Science 50, 4: 875892.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Duverger, Maurice. 1980. “A New Political System Model: Semi-presidential Government.” European Journal of Political Research 8, 2: 165187.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Elgie, Robert. 1997. “Models of Executive Politics: A Framework for the Study of Executive Power Relations in Parliamentary and Semi-presidential Regimes.” Political Studies 45, 2: 217231.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Elgie, Robert. 1999. Semi-presidentialism in Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Elgie, Robert., ed. 2001. Divided Government in Comparative Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Elgie, Robert. 2004. “Semi-presidentialsm: Concepts, Consequences, and Contesting Explanations.” Political Studies Review 2: 314330.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Elgie, Robert, and Machin, Howard. 1991. “France: The Limits to Primeministerial Government in a Semi-presidential System.” West European Politics 14: 6278.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Elgie, Robert, and Moestrup, Sophia, eds. 2007. Semi-presidentialism Outside Europe. New York: Routledge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fiorina, Morris P. 1996. Divided Government. Needham Heights, MA: Simon and Schuster.Google Scholar
Frye, Timothy. 1997. “A Politics of Institutional Choice: Post-Communist Presidencies.” Comparative Political Studies 30, 5: 523552.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gerring, John. 2004. “What Is a Case Study and What Is It Good For?” American Political Science Review 98, 2: 342354.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kirschke, Linda. 2007. “Semipresidentialism and the Perils of Power-sharing in Neopatrimonial States.” Comparative Political Studies 40, 11: 13721394.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Linz, Juan J., and Valenzuela, Arturo, eds. 1994. The Failure of Presidential Democracy: The Case of Latin America. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mayhew, David R. 1991. Divided We Govern: Party Control, Lawmaking, and Investigation, 1946–1990. New Haven: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Metcalf, Lee Kendall. 2000. “Measuring Presidential Power.” Comparative Political Studies 33, 5: 660685.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
O'Malley, Eoin. 2006. “Investigating the Effects of Directly Electing the Prime Minister.” Government and Opposition 41, 2: 137162.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pasquino, Gianfranco. 1997. “Semi-presidentialism: A Political Model at Work.” European Journal of Political Research 31, 1–2: 128137.Google Scholar
Roper, Steven D. 2002. “Are All Semipresidential Regimes the Same?” Comparative Politics 34, 3: 253272.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Samuels, David J., and Shugart, Matthew S.. 2010. Presidents, Parties, Prime Ministers: A Framework for Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shugart, Matthew Soberg. 2005. “Semi-presidential Systems: Dual Executive and Mixed Authority Patterns.” French Politics 3, 3: 323351.Google Scholar
Shugart, Matthew Soberg, and Carey, John M.. 1992. Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Siaroff, Alan. 2003. “Comparative Presidencies: The Inadequacy of the Presidential, Semi-presidential and Parliamentary Distinction.” European Journal of Political Research 42, 3: 287312.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tavits, Margit. 2008. Presidents with Prime Ministers: Do Direct Elections Matter? Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Thayer, Nathaniel B. 1996. “The Japanese Prime Minister and His Cabinet.” SAIS Review 16, 2: 1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tian, Xiru. 2010. “Ekefa? Zhengke “zaoshou qingdan” da gongkai” [ECFA? Disclosing the “early harvest list” of the politicians]. Wealth Magazine 343: 106107.Google Scholar
Tsebelis, George. 1994. “The Power of the European Parliament as a Conditional Agenda Setter.” American Political Science Review 88, 1: 128142.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tsebelis, George. 1995. “Decision Making in Political Systems: Veto Players in Presidentialism, Parliamentarism, Multicameralism and Multipartyism.” British Journal of Political Science 25, 3: 289325.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tsebelis, George. 1999. “Veto Players and Law Production in Parliamentary Democracies: An Empirical Analysis.” American Political Science Review 93, 3: 591608.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tsebelis, George. 2002. Veto Players: How Political Institutions Work. Princeton: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tsebelis, George, and Aleman, Eduardo. 2006. “Presidential Conditional Agenda Setting in Latin America.” World Politics 57, 3: 396420.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wu, Yu-Shan. 2000. “The ROC's Semipresidentialism at Work: Unstable Compromise, Not Cohabitation.” Issues and Studies 36, 5: 140.Google Scholar