Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-r5fsc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-27T15:42:56.208Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Policy on the Run: Henry II and Irish Sea Diplomacy

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

Extract

The activities of medieval monarchs were severely circumscribed by the environment in which they had to operate. They were at the mercy of events in a more acute sense than many modern historians realize. Difficulties of communication in particular could play havoc with royal policy such that a mooted response to a problem that had arisen could be redundant before effected. Most difficult of all would be consistency in terms of royal policy except in the most general understanding of that term, and indeed it could be argued that those historians who do tend to see “consistency” in the policies of medieval monarchs are superimposing onto their subjects an order they desire for their own mental processes.

Much of what has been said so far is applicable to Henry II in his dealings with Irish Sea politics. Henry was overlord of a vast empire through which he constantly circulated and in which the Irish Sea region was but a small part. It was seldom his most important consideration. In his dealings with Ireland and its neighbors, it should always be remembered that this was a region that commanded his attention fitfully, either on its own or as part of a larger whole. It would appear that Henry did try to pursue some limited kind of consistency in areas of his Irish Sea diplomacy. He could also be inconsistent. He could and did find himself at the mercy of events and had to react accordingly.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1990

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Jones, E. D., “Some Psychological Shortcomings of Historians' Explanations of Human Behavior,” Clio 16, no. 3 (Spring 1987): 239Google ScholarPubMed.

2 Martin, F. X., “Diarmait MacMurchada and the Coming of the Anglo-Normans,” in Medieval Ireland, ed. Cosgrove, A., vol. 2Google Scholar of A New History of Ireland (Oxford, 1987), p. 62Google Scholar; Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, ed. Arnold, T., Rolls Series, no. 74 (reprint, Kraus, 1965), p. 275Google Scholar.

3 Poole, A. L., “Henry Plantagenet's Early Visits to England,” English Historical Review 41 (1932): 447–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Hunt, W., “Robert FitzHarding,” Dictionary of National Biography (DNB), ed. Lee, S. (reprint, Oxford, 19371938), 7:211–12Google Scholar.

5 Martin, , “Diarmait MacMurchada,” p. 64Google Scholar. See further, Gwynn, A., “Medieval Bristol and Dublin,” Irish Historical Studies 5, no. 20 (September 1947): 275–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Martin, , “Diarmait MacMurchada,” pp. 4849Google Scholar. Byrne, F. J., “The Trembling Sod: Ireland in 1169,” in Cosgrove, , ed., p. 23Google Scholar.

7 Martin, , “Diarmait MacMurchada,” p. 64Google Scholar.

8 Warren, W. L., Henry II (London, 1973), p. 68Google Scholar.

9 Martin, , “Diarmait MacMurchada,” p. 62Google Scholar.

10 Ibid.

11 A summary of Henry's Welsh campaigns and objectives may be found in Warren, , Henry II, pp. 153 ff.Google Scholar

12 Byrne, p. 23.

13 Cambrensis, Giraldus, Expugnatio Hibernica (hereafter Expugnatio), ed. and trans. Scott, A. B. and Martin, F. X. (Dublin, 1978), p. 27Google Scholar.

14 See further, Richter, M., “The First Century of Anglo-Irish Relations,” History 12 (1974): 195210CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 See The Song of Dermot and the Earl (hereafter Song), ed. and trans. Orpen, G. H. (Oxford, 1892)Google Scholar, line 232.

16 Song, lines 286-91, in Expugnatio, pp. 26, 27. Scott and Martin's translation and annotation seem to be at fault in mentioning “homage” from Dermot to Henry when such is, in fact, not specified: “Unde et quisquis et, de amplitudinis nostre finibus, tanquam homini et fideli nostro, restitucionis auxilium impendere voluerit, se nostram ad hoc tam graciam noverit quam licenciam obtinere.” See also pp. 288–89, n. 13, where the authors tend to agree with Warren.

17 Warren, , Henry II, pp. 161 ff.Google Scholar

18 Both the Song, lines 300 ff., and Expugnatio, p. 27, agree.

19 Orpen, G. H., Ireland under the Normans, 1169-1216 (reprint, Oxford, 1968), 1:81Google Scholar.

20 The generic term for the progeny of the Welsh princess Nesta, daughter of Prince Llewellyn, through her Norman lovers and husbands.

21 Flanagan, Marie-Therese, “Strongbow, Henry II and Anglo-Norman Intervention in Ireland,” in War and Government in the Middle Ages, ed. Holt, J. C. and Gillingham, J. (Bury Saint Edmunds, 1984), pp. 6277Google Scholar.

22 Ibid., pp. 63–65.

23 Expungnatio, pp. 54–55.

24 Ibid., p. 57.

25 Martin, , “Diarmait MacMurchada,” p. 66Google Scholar.

26 Ibid.

27 Expugnatio, p. 49.

28 Brut Y Tywysogion, ed. Jones, T. (Cardiff, 1955), p. 153Google Scholar.

29 Gervase of Canterbury, Opera Historica, vol. 1, The Chronicle of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and RichardI, ed. Stubbs, W., Rolls Series, no. 73 (reprint, Kraus, 1965), pp. 234–35Google Scholar.

30 Song, lines 1501–5.

31 Maurice de Prendergast fell out with Dermot and offered his services as a mercenary to MacGilla Patraic of Ossory. But he was persuaded not to fight against his fellow “Normans” and returned to Wales, only to surface later in Ireland. See Song, lines 1060 ff. Rory O'Connor's campaign was inconclusive as Dermot refused to be drawn into pitched battle, no doubt waiting for aid from Wales. Thus the agreement reached between Rory and Dermot in 1169, which recognized the status quo, was also a delaying tactic. See Martin, F. X., “Allies and an Overlord, 1169–72,” in Cosgrove, , ed., p. 71Google Scholar.

32 Ibid., pp. 72–74.

33 Ibid.

34 Song, lines 1536–37.

35 Dermot had been negotiating for the submission of Dublin with its king Askulv when Miles Cogan stormed the town causing Askulv to flee, vowing to return.

36 Martin, , “Allies and an Overlord,” p. 78Google Scholar.

37 Expugnatio, p. 71.

38 FitzStephen's refusal to fight against Henry II is mentioned above, while his relationship with Henry II is discussed in further detail below. See also Flanagan (n. 21 above), p. 68.

39 Martin, , “Allies and an Overlord,” p. 80Google Scholar.

40 Expugnatio, p. 71; William of Newburgh, Historia Rerum Anglicarum: Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, vol. 1, ed. Howlett, R., Rolls Series, no. 82 (reprint, Kraus, 1964), pp. 167–68Google Scholar. See also Calendar of Documents Relating to Ireland, 1171–1251, ed. Sweetman, H. S. (reprint, Kraus, 1974), nos. 4, 10, pp. 12Google Scholar, for examples of confiscations.

41 Expugnatio, pp. 71, 81, 89.

42 Ibid., p. 73.

43 Warren, , Henry II (n. 8 above), p. 510Google Scholar.

44 Expugnatio, p. 75; Song, lines 1734–35, 1746–49; Martin, , “Allies and an Overlord,” p. 83Google Scholar.

45 Song, lines 1833–36.

46 de Torigni, Robert, Chronica, A.D. 94–1186: Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, vol. 4, ed. Howlett, R., Rolls Series, no. 82 (reprint, Kraus, 1964), p. 252Google Scholar.

47 Martin, , “Allies and an Overlord,” p. 83Google Scholar.

48 Song, lines 1837–48. Gerald of Wales does not mention these negotiations.

49 Song, lines 1850 ff.

50 Ibid.

51 Song, lines 1967 ff. Gerald of Wales does not mention the method of Fitz-Stephen's capture.

52 Song, lines 1980 ff., 2037 ff.; Expugnatio, p. 79.

53 Orpen (n. 19 above), 1:238–39.

54 Torigni, p. 252, places their meeting at Pembroke and not at the mustering grounds at Newnham, as does Expugnatio, p. 89. See also Orpen, vol. 1, p. 249, n. 1.

55 Gervase of Canterbury (n. 29 above), 1:234–35.

56 Torigni, p. 252; Gervase of Canterbury, 1:234–35.

57 Song, lines 2517 ff., 2550 ff.

58 Tout, T. F., “Robert FitzStephen,” DNB 7:135Google Scholar.

59 Expugnatio, p. 93.

60 Song, line 2252; Expugnatio, p. 91.

61 Brut Y Tywysogion (n. 28 above), pp. 155, 157.

62 Expugnatio, pp. 91 ff.

63 Brut Y Tywysogion, pp. 155, 157.

64 Expugnatio, p. 89.

65 Gesta Henrici Secundi Benedicti Abbatis (hereafter Gesta), vol. 1, ed. Stubbs, W., Rolls Series, no. 49, (reprint, Kraus, 1965), p. 25Google Scholar.

66 Expugnatio, p. 95; Annals of Loch Ce: A Chronicle of Irish Affairs from A.D. 1014–A.D. 1590, vol. 1, ed. Hennessy, W. M., Rolls Series, no. 54 (reprint, Kraus, 1965), sub anno 1171, p. 145Google Scholar; Martin, , “Allies and an Overlord,” pp. 8990Google Scholar.

67 Expugnatio, p. 97.

68 Ibid., p. 93.

69 Henry did his best to entertain and host his Irish lords with as much ostentatious display of liberality as possible at a specially constructed wattle structure outside Dublin at Christmas 1171. See also Martin, , “Allies and and Overlord,” p. 90Google Scholar.

70 Warren, , Henry II (n. 8 above), p. 201Google Scholar.

71 Gervase of Canterbury (vol. 1, p. 235), Roger of Howden (Chronica, vol. 2, ed. Stubbs, W., Rolls Series, 51, [reprint, Kraus, 1964], p. 30Google Scholar), Gesta, (vol. 1, p. 25)Google Scholar, and Gerald of Wales (Expugnatio, pp. 93 ff.)Google Scholar agree. Only Ralph of Diceto mentions homage explicitly, but he was in Italy at the time of these events. See Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis Opera Historica (hereafter Radulfi de Diceto), vol. 1, ed. Stubbs, W., Rolls Series, no. 68 (reprint, Kraus, 1965), p. 348Google Scholar. Scott and Martin's translation and annotation of Expugnatio seems to be somewhat imprecise around this point, using “homage” instead of “subjection.” See Expugnatio, pp. 92–93, where the Latin reads thus: “Nec mora: rex Corcagiensis Dermitius advenit, qui statim tam subieccionis vinculo quam fidelitatis sacramento necnon et obsidibus datis firmiter astrictus, annuo constituto regni sui tributo, se Anglorum regi sponte submisit.” As in n. 16 above, the authors tend to agree here with Warren's linguistic distinction. See ibid., p. 311, n. 150. In fact the Gesta does not specifically mentio n homage, either.

72 A consistent element in Gerald of Wales's writing was his anti-Irish and pro-Geraldine bias, which constantly strove for the glorification of the latter at the expense of the former.

73 Gesta 1:25–6Google Scholar; Gervase of Canterbury, 1:235; Expugnatio, p. 95. See also Radulfi de Diceto, vol. 1, p. 348Google Scholar.

74 Warren, , Henry II, p. 225Google Scholar.

75 Expugnatio, p. 97 and n. 159.

76 Radulfi de Diceto 1:348Google Scholar; Gesta 1:2627Google Scholar; Roger of Howden, 2:30–31. In the absence of major towns, the Irish abbeys assumed the roles of urban centers and so accumulated the wealth of Ireland. The Irish annals make frequent mention of attacks on monasteries, while the Anglo-Normans acquired much gold from the pillage of church property.

77 Otway-Ruthven, J., A History of Medieval Ireland, 2d ed. (London, 1980), p. 51Google Scholar.

78 Ibid.

79 Expugnatio, p. 101, and footnotes for discussion of the infamous eighth canon, which was, in fact, Gerald's summary. See also Flanagan, Marie-Therese, “Hiberno-Papal Relations in the Late Twelfth Century,” Archivium Hibernicum 34 (19761977), p. 57Google Scholar.

80 Dealt with in the canons, summarized in Expugnatio, coarbs were hereditary, nonepiscopally controlled abbots and often, in the case of many officeholders, were laymen succeeding to t he chief ecclesiastical offices. See also Watt, J. A., The Church and Two Nations in Medieval Ireland (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

81 Expugnatio, p. 105, and n. 186.

82 FitzAldelin and FitzBernard had been sent in the advance party of Henry's expedition to Ireland; they and the others were to play an important role in the coming civil war in 1172–73; Expugnatio, p. 105.

83 Orpen (n. 19 above), 1:285; Martin, , “Allies and an Overlord,” pp. 96, 97Google Scholar; Expugnatio, p. 105; Annals of Loch Ce, vol. 1 (n. 66 above), sub anno 1172, p. 147Google Scholar.

84 Song, lines 2864–2945; Expugnatio, p. 121.

85 Expugnatio, p. 121.

86 Song, lines 2968–71, places the Anglo-Normans from Leinster at the battle, while other sources for the battle fail to mention their presence. Given that many of the “Irish” contingent held hands in Wales, England, and Normandy, it is hardly surprising that Anglo-Norman chroniclers should overlook their “Irishness.”

87 Again, Song, lines 2972–79, identifies “Anglo-Irish” at William's capture.

88 Expugnatio, p. 135.

89 For a full text of the treaty, see Gesta 1:102–3Google Scholar, and, in translation, Irish Historical Documents, 1171–1922, ed. Curtis, E. and McDowell, R. B. (reprint, London, 1968), pp. 2224Google Scholar.

90 Warren, , Henry II (n. 8 above), pp. 201 ff.Google Scholar

91 Frame, R., Colonial Ireland 1169–1369 (Dublin, 1981), p. 16Google Scholar.

92 Martin, , “Overlord Becomes Feudal Lord,” in Cosgrove, , ed. (n. 2 above), pp. 105–6Google Scholar.

93 Expugnatio, p. 151.

94 Irish Historical Documents, pp. 22–24.

95 Warren, , Henry II, p. 202Google Scholar, n. 1.

96 Ibid., p. 203.

97 Frame, p. 17.

98 Warren, , Henry II, p. 203Google Scholar.

99 The first intervention before the Treaty of Windsor deposed (at O'Connor's request) O'Brien in favor of his son and gave the Anglo-Normans control of Limerick. In the face of the second intervention, necessitated by Donnel O'Brien's agitation against O'Connor, the two parties quickly reached a compromise, much as O'Connor and Dermot MacMurrough had done in 1167, while the Anglo-Normans enjoyed the spoils of their raiding. See Martin, , “Overlord Becomes Feudal Lord,” p. 109Google Scholar.

100 Expugnatio, p. 167.

101 Ibid.

102 Ibid., p. 169; Gesta 1:125Google Scholar.

103 Expugnatio, p. 169.

104 Ibid., p. 175, n. 296; Gesta 1:137Google Scholar.

105 Song, lines 2733–35.

106 Martin, , “Overlord Becomes Feudal Lord,” p. 115Google Scholar; Frame, pp. 26–29.

107 Expugnatio, p. 183.

108 Warren, W. L., “John in Ireland, 1185,” in Essays Presented to Michael Roberts, ed. Bossy, J. and Jupp, P. (Belfast, 1976), p. 11Google Scholar; Expugnatio, p. 185.

109 Warren, W. L., “King John and Ireland,” in England and Ireland in the Later Middle Ages, ed. Lydon, J. (Dublin, 1981), p. 26Google Scholar. Also argued in Warren, “John in Ireland, 1185.”

110 Warren, , “John in Ireland, 1185,” p. 14Google Scholar.

111 Expugnatio, p. 185.

112 Warren, , Henry II (n. 8 above), p. 203Google Scholar. This work was produced before either of the above articles, so Warren may have changed his position with regard to the Treaty of Windsor. But he nonetheless clings to the view that the retirement of Rory O'Connor in 1183 brought Henry's “personal” alliance to an end (“John in Ireland, 1185,” p. 14), clearing the way for John to go to Ireland. The implication that by 1177 Henry had devised a long-term plan for the creation of a new Irish kingdom or at least “began thinking of handing over the problem to his youngest son, John” (Henry II, pp. 203–4) would appear to contradict Warren's portrayal of Henry as the “constitutional” statesman, abiding by the treaty until its “failure.”

113 Under Gaelic custom, such confiscations were not justifiable. In Munster the Anglo-Normans exploited the traditional dynastic rivalries and intrafamilial struggles. See Martin, , “Overlord Becomes Feudal Lord,” p. 113Google Scholar.

114 Expugnatio, p. 191; for an extensive account of Anglo-Norman encastellation in Ireland, see Orpen, G. H., “Motes and Norman Castles,” English Historical Review 22 (1907): 228–54, 440–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

115 Expugnatio, p. 191.

116 Gesta 1:270Google Scholar; Expugnatio, p. 191.

117 De Lacy was dismissed twice: once in 1181, when he was recalled by Henry who had no alternative but to reinstate him the same year, and once in September 1184, when he was replaced by Philip of Worcester, probably in preparation for John's arrival. See Martin, , “Overlord Becomes Feudal Lord,” p. 117Google Scholar. See also Expugnatio, p. 195.

118 Warren, , “John in Ireland, 1185,” pp. 2123Google Scholar; Annals of Loch Ce, vol. 1 (n. 66 above), sub anno 1185, p. 171Google Scholar.

119 Martin, , “Overlord Becomes Feudal Lord,” p. 122Google Scholar.

120 Warren, , “John in Ireland, 1185,” p. 21Google Scholar, “King John and Ireland” (n. 109 above), pp. 26, 27.

121 Martin, , “Overlord Becomes Feudal Lord,” p. 125Google Scholar.

122 William of Newburgh (n. 40 above), p. 240.

123 Martin, , “Overlord Becomes Feudal Lord,” p. 126Google Scholar.