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Making It New: Visual Modernism and the “Myth of the North” in Interwar England

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

Extract

We often associate visual modernism with cosmopolitan cities on the Continent, with pride of place going to Paris, Vienna, Prague, Berlin, and Munich. English visual modernism has been studied less frequently—the very phrase “English modernism” sounds like a contradiction in terms—but it too is usually linked to the cosmopolitan center of London, as well as to the notorious postimpressionist exhibitions staged there by Roger Fry in 1910 and 1912. Fry coined the term “postimpressionism” to embrace the disparate styles of Cézanne, Van Gogh, Matisse, Picasso, and others that he introduced to a bewildered and skeptical public. Together with his Bloomsbury colleague Clive Bell, Fry defined the new art in formalist terms, arguing that works of visual art do not represent the world or depict a narrative but, rather, consist of “significant forms” that elicit “aesthetic emotions” from sensitive viewers. The two men deliberately sought to redefine art away from the moral and utilitarian aesthetic promoted by Victorian critics such as John Ruskin and William Morris. Fry and Bell intended to establish art as self-sufficient, independent from social utility or moral concerns. Fry at times expressed ambivalence about this formalist enterprise, but Bell had fewer hesitations in defining modern art as absolutely autonomous: as he stated in Art (1914), “To appreciate a work of art we need bring with us nothing from life, no knowledge of its ideas and affairs, no familiarity with its emotions.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1998

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References

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64 Similar projects to integrate modern art and industry were being carried out on the Continent in the early decades of the twentieth century, but many in England believed these were simply instances of English arts and crafts principles being effectively appropriated by other nations for economic gain. Many English design reformers expressed frustration that the government was not pursuing a more active policy in integrating art and industry, as seemed to be the case on the Continent. Noting the relative success of the industrial art movement in Germany in 1919, for example, a writer for the Ministry of Reconstruction observed dryly that “this sort of combination of English research and German enterprise is a very unsatisfactory state of things.” Ministry of Reconstruction, Reconstruction Problems 17: Art and Industry, March 1919; Royal Institute of British Architects (henceforth RIB A), London, DIA/130, pp. 4–5. Another design reformer recalled in 1935 that “we changed not only the face but the direction of German industry. And in all those pre-war years those of us who were interested could make very much less impression on British industry.” Rooke, Noel, “The Craftsman and Education for Industry,” in the Arts and Crafts Exhibition Society, Four Lectures (London, 1935), p. 57Google Scholar. Nikolaus Pevsner accepted and elaborated on this trajectory “from Morris to Modernism” in his Pioneers of Modern Design (1936; reprint, London, 1975)Google Scholar.

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77 This is not to deny the current of anti-Americanism that continued to be expressed by many intellectuals, including those who welcomed aspects of American culture such as Larkin and Amis. Rather it is to stress the general dissatisfaction with English culture and society in the wake of austerity, the failure of the Labour Government to restructure society radically, and the decline of Britain's international role in the postwar period. For a general overview, see Hewison, Robert, In Anger: British Culture in the Cold War (London, 1981)Google Scholar. For a discussion of domestic conceptions of “little England” in the interwar period that in some respects complements the northerners' association of London and the South with femininity and conservatism, see Samuel, Raphael, “Introduction,” in Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, ed. Samuel, Raphael, vol. 1, History and Politics, (London, 1989), p. xivGoogle Scholar; Light, Alison, Forever England: Femininity, Literature, and Conservatism between the Wars (London, 1991)Google Scholar; Waters, Chris, “‘Dark Strangers’ in Our Midst: Discourses of Race and Nation in Britain, 1947–1963,” Journal of British Studies 36, no. 2 (April 1997): 207–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It is important to note that such domestic conceptions of “little England” were represented in masculine no less than in feminine terms during the interwar period—that there was an active contest as to how English “domesticity” should be gendered, one that tended to split along regional lines. I do not think the “imagined national community” as a whole was becoming increasingly feminized at this time, as some of these authors argue.