Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-t5tsf Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-08T02:42:59.857Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Contesting the Hero: The Funeral of Admiral Lord Nelson

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

Extract

In the days before Christmas 1805, William Thomas Fitzgerald's Nelson's Tomb; a Poem made its appearance in London book shops. Fitzgerald was one of the foremost loyalist versifiers of his day—and had previously published an ode to Nelson after the Battle of the Nile. When he took pen in hand, Britain was mourning Nelson's recent death at Trafalgar. Nelson's Tomb then, considered the manner in which Britons would mark his passing. Nelson's funeral would be, Fitzgerald boasted, “no hireling pageant.”

Fitzgerald's words conveyed the contemporary loyalist sense that the funeral for Lord Nelson would be genuine, ordered, harmonious, and widely acceptable—that it would avoid the accusations of artificiality and the expressions of dissent that had greeted previous patriotic pageants such as the Naval Thanksgiving of 1797. At first glance, Fitzgerald's expectation would seem to accord with the recent orthodoxy concerning state spectacle in Britain during the wars of 1793–1815, an orthodoxy holding not only that the public pageants of the period were an important manifestation of the particular brand of patriotism that loyalists were interested in marketing but also that the product itself had unifying and socially cohesive effects. But Nelson's funeral—which was held on 9 January 1806 and drew crowds of between twenty and thirty thousand people—has not been widely treated as a loyalist spectacle, largely because those who have considered it have joined Linda Colley in recognizing its apparently iconoclastic nature. Colley was attentive to the state pageants of the period; they featured in her argument for the privileging of a cult of monarchy in officially consecrated expressions of British nationalism.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 2000

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Fitzgerald, William Thomas, Nelson's Tomb; a Poem (London, 1805)Google Scholar; the poem was advertised in the Sun (25 December 1805), and a version was printed in the same paper (22 January 1806).

2 Colley, Linda, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven, Conn., 1992)Google Scholar. This orthodoxy, particularly as it relates to broader arguments concerning nationalism, is not shared by all. See Newman, Gerald, “Nationalism Revisited,” Journal of British Studies 35 (January 1996): 118–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History, 1740–1830 (New York, 1987)Google Scholar.

3 Colley, Linda, “Whose Nation? Class and National Consciousness in Britain, 1750–1830,” Past and Present, no. 113 (November 1986): 107Google Scholar; Jordan, Gerald and Rogers, Nicholas, “Admirals as Heroes: Patriotism and Liberty in Hanoverian England,” Journal of British Studies 28 (July 1989): 222CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The distinction between funerals for military heroes and royalist ceremonial was first posed by Cannadine, David in “The Context, Performance, and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the Invention of Tradition, c. 1820–1977,” in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Hobsbawm, Eric and Ranger, Terence (Cambridge, 1983), p. 116Google Scholar.

4 Colley, Linda, “The Apotheosis of George III: Loyalty, Royalty, and the British Nation, 1760–1820,” Past and Present, no. 102 (February 1984): 94129Google Scholar, and Britons, pp. 195–236. This interpretation has been questioned by Sack, James J. in From Jacobite to Conservative: Reaction and Orthodoxy in Britain, c. 1760–1832 (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 112–45Google Scholar. The most recent look at royalist ritual accepts Colley's framework, extending it to equate loyalism with royalism; see Morris, Marilyn, The British Monarchy and the French Revolution (New Haven, Conn., 1998), pp. 134–59Google Scholar.

5 Russell, Gillian, The Theatres of War: Performance, Politics, and Society, 1793–1815 (Oxford, 1995), p. 87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Harling, Philip, “The Georgian Political Firmament,” Journal of British Studies 37 (January 1998): 98Google Scholar.

7 According to Russell, “it is not clear to what extent [Pitt's government] was either willing or able to exploit the Nelson phenomenon” (Theatres of War, p. 81).

8 Nicholas Rogers, Whigs and Cities: Popular Politics in the Age of Walpole and Pitt (Oxford, 1989), pp. 235–40, 375–78Google Scholar; Jordan and Rogers, “Admirals as Heroes”; Wilson, Kathleen, “Empire, Trade, and Popular Politics in Hanoverian England: The Case of Admiral Vernon,” Past and Present, no. 121 (November 1988): 74109Google Scholar, and The Sense of the People: Politics, Culture, and Imperialism, 1715–1785 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 137–205, 253–61Google Scholar.

9 See Cookson, J. E., Friends of Peace: Anti-war Liberalism in England, 1793–1815 (Cambridge, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Macleod, Emma Vincent, A War of Ideas: British Attitudes to the Wars against Revolutionary France, 1792–1802 (Aldershot, England, 1998)Google Scholar.

10 The Sun (8 November 1805; 26 November 1805); and the Courier (9 November 1805).

11 Cobbett's Weekly Political Register (16 November 1805), col. 740.

12 Cobbett's Weekly Political Register (25 January 1806), col. 118; the Sun (22 November 1805); The Times (22 November 1805); Cobbett's Weekly Political Register (7 December 1805), cols. 910–11.

13 Cobbett's Weekly Political Register (25 January 1806), col. 118.

14 Newcastle Advertiser and General Weekly Post (7 December 1805); Morning Chronicle (14, 16 December 1805); Bury and Norwich Post (8 January 1806).

15 For the value of exploring state spectacle in its specific cultural context, see Cannadine, “The British Monarchy.”

16 The Times (14 November 1805; 7 November 1805).

17 The Sun (14 November 1805).

18 See Gittings, Clare, Death, Burial, and the Individual in Early Modern England (London, 1984), pp. 166–86Google Scholar.

19 See the songs in The Greenwich Pensioner. To Which Are Added, &etc. (Limerick, 1810)Google Scholar; and “Crippled Jack of Trafalgar,” in A Garland of New Songs. Containing Crippled Jack of Trafalgar, &etc. ([London], n.d.).

20 Earl Nelson to Colonel McMahon, 18 November 1805, in Aspinall, Arthur, ed., The Correspondence of George, Prince of Wales, 1770–1812, vol. 5, 1804–1806 (London, 1968), p. 276Google Scholar.

21 Ministers were initially willing to consider either the prince or Barham as prospective chief mourners; College of Arms, London, Funeral of Viscount Nelson MSS, fol. 106.

22 Hibbert, Christopher, George IV (London, 1972), p. 251Google Scholar; Richard, Henry Lord Holland, Memoirs of the Whig Party, 2 vols. (London, 1854), 2:31Google Scholar; Aspinall, , ed., The Correspondence of George, Prince of Wales, 5:276, n. 4Google Scholar.

23 William Pollock to [Sir Isaac Heard], 15 [?] December 1805, College of Arms, Funeral of Viscount Nelson MSS, fol. 1.

24 In the end, Earl Nelson resented his displacement; see Matcham, M. Eyre, The Nelsons of Burnham Thorpe: A Record of a Norfolk Family Compiled from Unpublished Letters and Notebooks, 1787–1842 (London, 1911), p. 244Google Scholar.

25 College of Arms, London, Funeral of Viscount Nelson MSS, fol. 106.

26 Heard to William Marsden, 29 December 1805, College of Arms, London, Funeral of Viscount Nelson MSS, fol. 59.

27 Clarke, James Stanier and M'Arthur, John, The Life of Horatio, Viscount Nelson, through His Lordship's Papers, 2 vols. (London, 1809), 2:463Google Scholar.

28 Protocol dictated that any royal procession was to be met at Temple Bar and escorted into the City.

29 The Sun (14 November 1805).

30 The Times (15 November 1805).

31 The working diary and letter book of Francis Townsend, Windsor Herald, have survived in the College of Arras, London, Funeral of Viscount Nelson MSS, fols. 87–105.

32 Sir James Shaw to Lord Hawkesbury, 20 December 1805, College of Arms, London, Funeral of Viscount Nelson MSS, fols. 87–105.

33 T. Tyrrell to R. Bigland and F. Townsend, 20 December 1805; and Sir James Shaw to Lord Hawkesbury, 20 December 1805—both in College of Arms, London, Funeral of Viscount Nelson MSS, fols. 87–105.

34 Lord Hawkesbury to King George III, 5 January 1806, in The Later Correspondence of George III, ed. Aspinall, Arthur, (Cambridge, 19621970), 4:373–75Google Scholar.

35 College of Arms, London, Funeral of Viscount Nelson MSS, fols. 87–105. These words were struck out in Townsend's notes, suggesting that he did not pass the comment along in his official report.

36 Hawkesbury, Lord to George, King III, in Aspinall, , ed., Later Correspondence of George III, 4:373–75Google Scholar.

37 Gentleman's Magazine 100 (1806): 1237Google Scholar.

38 Barham to Heard, 9 November 1805, College of Arms, London, Order of Merit, MS RR59B, fol. 1.

39 I am indebted to Bruce Yorke and David V. White for locating the College of Arms's records on the Naval and Military Order of Merit and for making the material available to me. There are brief references to the existence of a proposal for the order in Phillips, I. Lloyd, “Lord Barham at the Admiralty, 1805–1806,” Mariner's Mirror 64 (August 1978): 230CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Ehrman, John, The Younger Pitt, vol. 3, The Consuming Struggle (London, 1996), p. 490Google Scholar, n. 2. The order has recently received its first consideration in Cookson, J. E., The British Armed Nation, 1793–1815 (Oxford, 1997), pp. 222–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 Russell, , Theatres of War, p. 81Google Scholar.

41 Farington, Joseph, The Farington Diary, ed. Grieg, James (London, 19221928), 3:29Google Scholar.

42 Risk, James C., The History of the Order of the Bath and Its Insignia (London, 1972), p. 26Google Scholar.

43 British Library (hereafter BL), Liverpool Papers, Add. MS 38378, vol. 189, fols. 25, 27.

44 College of Arms, London, Order of Merit, MS RR59B, fol. 5; BL, Liverpool Papers, Add. MS 38378, vol. 189, fols. 23, 25.

45 BL, Liverpool Papers, Add. MS 38378, vol. 189, fol. 45.

46 Monthly Review 57 (1808): 46.Google Scholar

47 College of Arms, London, Order of Merit, MS RR59B, fol. 6; BL, Liverpool Papers, Add. MS 38378, vol. 189, fol. 38.

48 Monthly Review 57 (1808): 44.Google Scholar

49 See Morning Chronicle (12, 14, 16 December 1805); York Herald (9 November 1805); Felix Farley's Bristol Journal (21, 28 December 1805); Bury and Norwich Post (18 December 1805; 8 January 1806); Coventry Mercury (16 December 1805); Newcastle Advertiser and General Weekly Post (7 December 1805).

50 Morning Chronicle (2 January 1806).

51 The Times (6 January 1806).

52 The Times (7 January 1806).

53 The Times (8 January 1806).

54 The Times (7 January 1806).

55 See Philp, Mark, “Vulgar Conservatism, 1792–1793,” English Historical Review 110 (February 1995): 4269CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 The Times (8 January 1806). See also the engraving Remains of Lord Nelson Lying in State, National Maritime Museum, London, Prints and Drawings Collection, PAD3928.

57 The Times (8 January 1806).

58 Duncan, Archibald, A Correct Narrative of the Funeral of Horatio Lord Viscount Nelson (London, 1806), p. 389Google Scholar.

59 The Times (8 January 1806).

60 The Star (9 December 1805); Bell's Weekly Messenger (1 December 1805). See also the evocative testaments of approval in the York Herald (4 January 1806).

61 The Star (9 December 1805).

62 The Times (8 January 1806); see also Morning Chronicle (10 January 1806); the Star (9 December 1805).

63 Colley, , “Whose Nation?” p. 100Google Scholar.

64 Best, Geoffrey, “The Making of the English Working Class,” Historical Journal 8 (1965): 278CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 The Times (4 January 1806).

66 See, e.g., the car described in the Oracle (23 July 1800).

67 Naval Chronicle 15 (1806): 233–34Google Scholar.

68 Clarke, and M'Arthur, , The Life of Horatio, Viscount Nelson, pp. 464–65Google Scholar.

69 Duncan, , A Correct Narrative, pp. 406–7Google Scholar.

70 Russell, Pace, Theatres of War, p. 85Google Scholar.

71 Lady Bessborough to Lord Granville Leveson Gower, 9 January 1806, Lord Granville Leveson Gower (First Earl Granville) Private Correspondence, ed. Granville, Castalia Countess, 2 vols. (London, 1916), 2:154Google Scholar.

72 Bell's Weekly Messenger (12 January 1806).

73 The Times (1 January 1806).

74 Bell's Weekly Messenger (12 January 1806; emphasis added).

75 See Fritz, Paul S., “The Trade in Death: The Royal Funerals in England, 1685–1830,” Eighteenth Century Studies 28 (Spring 1982): 291316CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

76 Clarke, and M'Arthur, , The Life of Horatio, Viscount Nelson, p. 465Google Scholar.

77 Bell's Weekly Messenger (12 January 1806).

78 Naval Chronicle 15 (1806): 224.Google Scholar

79 Lady Bessborough to Lord Granville Leveson Gower, 9 January 1806, in Granville, , ed., Private Correspondence, 2:155Google Scholar.

80 Morning Chronicle (11 January 1806); see also Bell's Weekly Messenger (12 January 1806).

81 Naval Chronicle 15 (1806): 152.Google Scholar

82 [Scale's Edition] A Correct Account of the Funeral Procession of Lord Nelson by Water and Land (London, 1806), p. 18Google Scholar; Bell's Weekly Messenger (12 January 1806).

83 Tilly, Charles, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758–1834 (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), p. 153Google Scholar; Harrison, Mark, Crowds and History: Mass Phenomena in English Towns, 1790–1835 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 184, 188, 190–91Google Scholar.

84 Russell, , Theatres of War, p. 87Google Scholar.

85 See Berrow's Worcester Journal (16 January 1806); Felix Farley's Bristol Journal (18 January 1806); Bury and Norwich Post (15 January 1806); Newcastle Advertiser and General Weekly Post (18 January 1806). Some confusion was generated by the fact that the College of Arms released two conflicting outlines of the order of procession. The first of these called for the crew to pull the funeral car instead of horses and for eight seamen to bear the coffin into St. Paul's. Neither of these expectations was fulfilled, likely, the Morning Chronicle thought, because they constituted an “overstretch of fancy” (10 January 1806).

86 Bell's Weekly Messenger (12 January 1806); [Scale's Edition] A Correct Account of the Funeral Procession of Lord Nelson, p. 18.

87 See The Funeral Procession of Lord Viscount Nelson, Jany. 9th 1806, National Maritime Museum, London, Prints and Drawings Collection, PAG6719.

88 Clarke, and M'Arthur, , The Life of Horatio, Viscount Nelson, p. 464Google Scholar.

89 Ibid.

90 The Times (10 January 1806); see also Howarth, David and Howarth, Stephen, Nelson: The Immortal Memory (New York: 1989), p. 360Google Scholar; Russell, , Theatres of War, p. 87Google Scholar.

91 George, Prince of Wales to Alexander Davison [1805?], in Fitzgerald, Percy, The Life of George the Fourth, including His Letters and Opinions, with a View of the Men, Manners, and Politics of His Reign (New York, 1881), pp. 419–20Google Scholar.

92 European Magazine 49 (1806): 70Google Scholar; Annual Register (1806): p. 360Google Scholar.

93 Ibid.

94 White, Colin, “The Immortal Memory,” in The Nelson Companion, ed. White, Colin (Stroud, England, 1995), p. 14Google Scholar.

95 Morning Chronicle (10, 11 January 1806); The Times (10 January 1806).

96 Colley, , “Whose Nation?” pp. 107–9Google Scholar, where Nelson's funeral is cited as an example.

97 Russell, , Theatres of War, p. 87Google Scholar.

98 It is salutary to note that in her later book, Colley appears to have moved away from the more rigid view of royal and loyal ceremonials that she raised in her earlier article; see Britons, pp. 215–28.

99 See n. 22 above.

100 Thompson, E. P., Customs in Common (New York, 1993), pp. 9293Google Scholar.

101 Harrison, Crowds and History, chap. 10, argues for a more discrete interpretation of “public” evidence.

102 Nelson's will—which was reprinted in the newspapers—specifically indicated that any special arrangements for his funeral were in the gift of the king.

103 See, e.g., the letters in The Times (17 December 1805; 4 January 1806).

104 Simpson, Thomas Brown, A Sermon Preached in the Parish Church of Stroud, Gloucestershire, on Thursday, December 5, 1805, the Day of Thanksgiving for the Victory off Trafalgar (London, 1805), pp. 1415Google Scholar; Styles, John, A Tribute to the Memory of Nelson: A Sermon, Delivered at West Cowes, November 10, 1805 ([London], 1805), p. 22Google Scholar.

105 Hibbert, Christopher, Nelson: A Personal History (London, 1994), pp. 227–28, 277, 391Google Scholar; Howarth, and Howarth, , Nelson, pp. 237, 260Google Scholar.

106 Recollections of the Table-Talk of Samuel Rogers, 2d ed. (London, 1856), pp. 142–43Google Scholar.

107 Holland, , Memoirs, 2:31Google Scholar.

108 Naval Chronicle 14 (1805): 380Google Scholar.

109 An Official and Circumstantial Detail of the Grand National Obsequies at the Public Funeral of Britains Darling Naval Hero, the Immortal Nelson (London, 1806), p. 10Google Scholar; Bell's Weekly Messenger (5 January 1806). In the event the exigencies of mustering appear to have prevented the cortege from passing directly by the royal family's window.

110 Lord Hawkesbury to William Pitt, 12 December 1805, PRO, 30/8/143, fols. 84–91.

111 Jordan, Gerald, “Admiral Nelson as Popular Hero: The Nation and the Navy, 1795–1805,” in New Aspects of Naval History: Selected Papers from the Fifth Naval History Symposium, ed. U.S. Naval Academy, Department of History (Baltimore, 1985), p. 118Google Scholar; Russell, , Theatres of War, p. 82Google Scholar.

112 Hayden, Ilse, Symbol and Privilege: The Ritual Context of British Royalty (Tucson, Ariz., 1987), p. 21Google Scholar.

113 Jordan, and Rogers, , “Admirals as Heroes,” p. 224Google Scholar.

114 “Empty ritualism” was the phrase by which Harrison referred to participatory events the symbolic assertions of which cannot be read as evidence of widely held beliefs or values (see Crowds and History, pp. 264, 266).

115 Monthly Review 18 (October 1795): 142.

116 Monthly Review 57 (September 1808): 53.

117 The Times (1 July 1808).

118 Hibbert, , Nelson, p. 279 nGoogle Scholar.

119 See, esp., The Times (29 November 1805).

120 Cookson, Friends of Peace; Bartel, Roland, “The Story of Public Fast Days in England,” Anglican Theological Review 37 (July 1955): 190200Google Scholar, and English Clergymen and Laymen on the Principle of War, 1789–1802,” Anglican Theological Review 38 (July 1956): 234–41Google Scholar.

121 Monthly Repository 1 (February 1806): 105.Google Scholar

122 Monthly Repository 1 (March 1806): 155.Google Scholar

123 Ibid., p. 128.

124 Ibid., p. 125.

125 The Times (6 December 1805).

126 Naval Chronicle 15 (1806): 232.Google Scholar

127 Wade, John, The Black Book; or, Corruption Unmasked! (London, 1828), pp. 40, 79Google Scholar.

128 Felix Farley's Bristol Journal (11 January 1806).

129 Thus, considered in its national sense, Nelson's funeral saw a number of participating groups become, as Tori Smith has observed of Queen Victoria's 1897 Jubilee, “co-producer[s] of the larger spectacle.” See Smith, Tori, “‘Almost Pathetic … but Also Very Glorious’: The Consumer Spectacle of the Diamond Jubilee,” Histoire Sociale/Social History 29 (November 1996): 337Google Scholar.

130 The Sun (15 January 1806); The Times (15 January 1806); Cobbet's Weekly Political Register (18 January 1806), col. 79–80.

131 The Star (13 January 1806).

132 Bury and Norwich Post (15 January 1806).